|
| Bulletin No.48 |
Publisher's Statement |
Publisher's Statement
|
Foreword |
Editorial - English
|
Editorial - French
|
President's Message - English
|
Message de la Présidente - French
|
New Members
|
Feature |
Introduction
Eli A. Wolff & Mary A. Hums
|
Quote - Muhammad Ali /Ali Center
|
Achieving Human Rights in
and through Sport
Peter Donnelly & Bruce Kidd
|
Sport and Children's Rights
Peter Donnelly
|
Profile -
Unite for Children Unite for Peace
|
Quote - Johann Olav Koss
|
Profile -
Sport for Development and Peace International Working Group
|
Multiculturalism and Universal Proclaimed Values in the Olympic Movement: An Approach to Human Rights and Sport Development?
Lamartine DaCosta, Neise Abreu & Ana Miragaya
|
Olympism and Human Rights:
Ideals in Action Mary A. Hums & Eli A. Wolff
|
Quote -
Dr. Richard Lapchick
|
Paths for Women and Men
Towards Human Rights in Sport: The Same, Delayed or Divergent?
Carole Oglesby
|
The Politics of Race and Sport in the Promotion
of Human Rights
Doris R.Corbett
|
Profile -
"Out in Sport" at the GLISA Human Rights Conference
July 26-29, 2006 Rob Jagnow
|
Quote - Cheri Blauwet
|
Profile - Sport and Adapted Physical Activity: Advocates of Rights and Dignity for
All
Claudine Sherrill & Yeshayahu Hutzler
|
The Development of the Human Rights of Individuals
with Disabilities in Sport at the United Nations and Beyond
Elise C. Roy
|
Profile -
Promoting Human Rights Through Paralympic Sport
|
BEIJING 2008 - The Olympic Games Come To China:
Will Human Rights? Mickey Spiegel
|
The Wrong Way Around
Keith Gilbert
|
Profile -
International Year of Sport and Physical Education 2005
|
How You Play the Game:
Creating Sport Programming to Promote and Protect Human Rights Anita Keller
|
Human Rights of Women and Girls in Sport:
A Case Study of the Afghan Youth Sports Exchange Kabul, Afghanistan Awista Ayub
|
Human Rights and Animal
Welfare: The Implications of Anti-hunting Legislation in the United
Kingdom
David McArdle
|
Quote - Thierry Henry
|
Profile - Stand Up Speak Up
|
Profile - Athletes for Human
Rights
|
Activist Athletes and Human Rights: Some Preliminary
Research Notes
Peter Kaufman
|
Profile -
Recognition for Tommie Smith,
John Carlos and the Olympic Project for Human Rights
Ken Noel
|
Quote - Anita DeFrantz
|
Current Issues |
Environmental Aspects of the Olympic Games -
an Interdisciplinary Approach
World-wide
Thomas Reilly
|
The IAAF School / Youth Programme
Abdelmalek El-Hebil
|
Addition to Bulletin No 46
|
Partners and Events |
MYSA from Kenya Crowned
as the First Street Football World Champion
Panos Manologlou & Vladimir Borkovic
|
2007 World Conference on Doping in Sport
|
Upcoming Events
|
Sport, Leisure and Ergonomics,
The Ergonomics Society
|
Second International Forum
on Women, Sport and Culture
|
Adjusting the Sails Towards
Healthy Active Living (CAHPERD)
|
ICSSPE News |
ICSSPE Meetings in Berlin
August 30 – September 1, 2006 Christophe Mailliet
|
TAFISA Honorary President Prof. Dr. Jürgen Palm has passed away
Obituary written by Wolfgang Baumann
|
In Remembrance, Alain Poncet
Gretchen Ghent
|
Posthumous Honour for Jürgen Palm and Alain Poncet
|
Member's News |
Sport of Ancient People of Siberia
Valeriy Krasilnikov
|
Resources |
Watching the Web:
Sport and Human Rights Sálmar Burger
|
Bibliographic Information:
Human Rights in Youth Sport Paulo David
|
Book Review:
Wooden on Leadership Mike Spino Mike Spino
|
Publication Announcement:
Dictionary Sport, Physical Education and Sport ScienceHerbert Haag Herbert Haag
|
Contacts |
Publisher's Statement |
ISSN 1728-5909
No. 48, September 2006 The Bulletin of the
International Council of Sport Science and Physical Education (ICSSPE)
is published three times a year. Its goal is to provide a forum for ICSSPE
members and other contributors to share news and experiences, raise issues
for discussion, develop international and external links and promote events.
The featured articles and other contents are monitored by the ICSSPE Executive
Office and the Editorial Board, with the aim of allowing for free and
balanced dissemination of information consistent with ICSSPE’s aims
and objectives. The views expressed within this publication are not necessarily
those held by ICSSPE unless otherwise stated. The Bulletin is published by International Council of Sport Science and Physical Education (ICSSPE) Hanns-Braun-Straße Friesenhaus II 14053 Berlin Germany Tel.: +49 30 3641 8850 Fax: +49 30 805 6386 icsspe@icsspe.org http://www.icsspe.org Publications Manager: Katrin Koenen Editor: Tamie Devine Design: Astrid Lange ICSSPE Editorial Board: Prof. Darlene A. Kluka Ms. Gretchen Ghent Prof. Herbert Haag Prof. Colin Higgs Prof. Andrew Hills (Beginning Jan 2007) Prof. Anneliese Goslin (Beginning Jan 2007) Prof. Alexander Woll (Beginning Jan 2007) Prof. Richard Bailey (Beginning Jan 2007) Prof. Kari Keskinen (Beginning Jan 2007) Mr. Christophe Mailliet © Copyright 2006, ICSSPE. For information
about this work, please contact ICSSPE. Permission is hereby granted to
reproduce and distribute copies of this work for nonprofit educational
purposes, provided that copies are distributed at or below cost, and that
the author, source, and copyright notice are included on each copy.
|
Foreword |
First of all, I would like to introduce myself. My name
is Katrin Koenen and I am pleased to have taken over as Publications and
Scientific Affairs Manager from the beginning of June. Some of you may
know me already as I have worked for ICSSPE a couple of times before on
a project basis. My last projects were the conferences on ‘Rehabilitation
through Adapted Physical Activity and Sport for Children and Youth Affected
by the Tsunami in Southeast Asia’ held in Bangkok, 2005, and it’s
follow up conference in January in Berlin and I also published the last
Bulletin. I am very happy to now be a real ‘member’ of the
ICSSPE team and hope to be able to offer you some informative and interesting
publications.
Bulletin 48 features ‘Sport and Human Rights’,
with contributions from a range of countries, showing many different ways
to look at this theme. It also contains - I think for the first time -
profiles and quotes on Sport and Human Rights. This issue certainly would
not contain the breadth and depth of papers and contributors without the
much appreciated collaboration of Eli A. Wolff, Northeastern University
Center for the Study of Sport in Society and Dr. Mary A. Hums, University
of Louisville, to whom I wish to say a very special thank-you!
The Current Issues section contains a report from T.P. Reilly entitled
‘Environmental Aspects of the Olympic Games – an Interdisciplinary
Approach’. It is extremely interesting and reflects on how environmental
aspects influence the outcomes of major sports tournaments. The second
article by Malek El Habil gives us an interesting view of the IAAF Athletics’
World Plan, with a focus on the IAAF World Athletics Day, and its outreach
to schools.
Again, many events will be held in all fields of sport, sport science
and physical activity, and many of them can be found in our Upcoming
Events listing in the Partners and Events section of the Bulletin.
Please also keep up to date with news from Members, where you will
find an article on ‘Sport for ancient People of Siberia’
by Valerii Krasilnikov.
Christophe Mailliet will give a summary of the ICSSPE meetings in Berlin
in the ICSSPE news section, where we are saddened to announce the deaths
of Jürgen Palm and Alain Poncet, who both dedicated their life
to sport science and Physical Education.
In the Resources section, please find bibliographic information on
Sport and Human Rights, along with a book review called “Wooden
on Leadership” and our regular webliography.
Don’t forget that as an ICSSPE member, you
are also able to complete a Conference Announcement Form online (in the
Member’s section of our website) that will automatically be added
to our Member’s Events list on the website (www.icsspe.org).
Your announcement will also be included in the Bulletin Upcoming Events
list. Please let us know about any meetings, conferences or events that
you wish to share with everyone. With best wishes for happy reading
Katrin
|
Avant toute chose, permettez-moi de me présenter.
Mon nom est Katrin Koenen et j'ai le plaisir d'être la nouvelle
Manager des Publications et des Affaires Scientifiques depuis début
juin. Certains parmi vous me connaissent pour avoir déjà
travaillé avec le CIEPPS sur des projets ponctuels. Mes derniers
projets ont été les conférences sur la "Réhabilitation
par l’activité physique adaptée et le sport pour les
enfants et adolescents touchés par le Tsunami dans le Sud-est asiatique
» qui s'est tenue à Bangkok en 2005, et la conférence
consécutive à Berlin en janvier. J'ai également publié
le dernier Bulletin. Je suis très heureuse d'être désormais
un "vrai" membre de l'équipe du CIEPSS et j'espère
pouvoir vous offrir des publications informatives et intéressantes.
Ce Bulletin 48 est consacré au "Sport
et Droit de l'homme", avec des contributions provenant de nombreux
pays qui montrent les différentes manières de considérer
ces thèmes. Il comprend également - pour la première
fois, je pense - des profiles d'organisations et des citations relatifs
au thème du Sport et des Droits de l'homme. Ce numéro n’aurait
pas autant d’ampleur et de profondeur dans le choix de ces articles
et de ces contributeurs sans la cooperation avec de Eli A. Wolff, du Centre
d'Etude du Sport en Société de la Northeastern University
et Dr. Mary A. Hums, de l'Université de Louisville, à laquelle
j'adresse un grand merci!
La section Current Issues contient un reportage de T.P. Reilly intitulé
: "Environmental Aspects of the Olympic Games – an Interdisciplinary
Approach", qui reflète de manière très intéressante
l'influence des aspects environnementaux sur les résultats de grands
tournois sportifs. Le second article de Malek El Habil nous offre une
vue intéressante sur le IAAF Athletic's World Plan, en particulier
sur le IAAF World Athletics Day et sa portée dans les écoles.
Une fois de plus, de nombreux évènements vont avoir lieu
dans les domaines du sport, de la science du sport et de l'activité
physique et vous retrouverez nombre entre eux dans notre liste des Upcoming
Events dans la section Partners and Events du Bulletin.
Vous pouvez vous informer de l’actualité dans Members,
où vous trouverez un article sur le «Sport pour les peuples
autochtones», rédigé par Valerii Krasilnikov.
Christophe Mailliet signe un résumé des meetings du CIEPSS
à Berlin dans la section ICSSPE News, où nous avons également
la triste responsabilité d’annoncer les décès
de Jürgen Palm et d’Alain Poncet, qui tous deux avaient dédié
leur vie à la science du sport et`a l'Education Physique.
Dans la section Resources vous trouverez des indications bibliographiques
sur le Sport et les Droits de l'Homme, ainsi qu'une revue de livres
intitulée "Wooden on Leadership" et notre revue du
Web habituelle.
N'oubliez pas qu'en tant que membre du CIEPSS, vous
avez la possibilité de remplir en ligne un formulaire pour annoncer
vos rendez-vous (dans la section Member de notre site Internet) qui sera
automatiquement ajoutée à la liste des évènements
à venir (www.icsspe.org).
Tenez-nous au courant des rencontres, conférences et évènements
que vous souhaitez faire connaître.
Avec mes meilleurs vœux et en vous souhaitant une bonne lecture.
Katrin
|
An important collaborative step was taken this summer
between the different fields of sports, education and science when the
International Paralympic Committee, the International Olympic Committee,
the International Federation of Sports Medicine and ICSSPE agreed to merge
their congresses into the new International Convention of Science, Education
and Medicine in Sport (ICSEMIS). This new multidisciplinary event will
replace previous conferences that were organised by the four stakeholders
and be a new umbrella for the many facets of sport, science and education.
The inaugural event, organised in cooperation with our Chinese partners,
will be held 1-5 August 2008 in Guangzhou, China. The 2008 ICSSPE General
Assembly will be held prior to this date, also in Guangzhou. If you are
planning to hold your statutory meetings or scientific symposiums in conjunction
with ICSEMIS, please inform the ICSSPE Executive Office as soon as possible
and be sure to mark these dates in your calendar.
Berlin, which for the past 10 years has played host
to the ICSSPE Executive Office, is an exciting place for sport. This has
been even more evident this summer with the FIFA World Cup Final rounding
off a four week celebration of football for hundreds of thousands of guests
from all over the world. At the same time, ICSSPE member streetfootballworld
hosted the world championships in streetfootball. Jürgen Griesbeck,
Manager of streetfootballworld impressed many of us with his energy and
patience in making this idea become a reality. Watching the young athletes
play with self-defined rules and without referees was an excellent example
of respect and friendship for many of us. The Special Olympics National
Games, which were held in the third week of September, offered a chance
for more than 2000 athletes to compete in 15 disciplines and qualify for
the World Games in Shanghai. Soon afterwards, the Berlin marathon, with
almost 40000 participants and ranked as one of five World Marathon Majors,
took place in the city. In between all of this excitement, the ICSSPE
family met in Berlin for its annual board meetings and the General Assembly.
Despite the many technical advances in communication over long distances,
it is always very special to meet representatives of ICSSPE member organisations
and institutes, of which there are currently around 300. This year, it
was a great pleasure for both the team in the ICSSPE Executive Office
and I to welcome so many of you to Berlin. Important decisions were made
which offer more legal security for ICSSPE and its members as well as
new opportunities to apply for funding. During the meetings it was also
agreed to set up a working group whose task will be to develop an anti-doping
position statement of ICSSPE. Though ICSSPE has participated in the development
of the WADA Anti-Doping Code and the UNESCO Convention against doping,
a statement that covers the whole spectrum of interests that the member
organisations represent, needs to be developed. Its coverage shall go
beyond legislative and moral matters and will, among other items, include
educational and economical perspectives as well. You will be informed
about the next practical steps in due time.
I would also like to infom you that, as of 1 January
2006, we will have new members on the Executive Board. The General Assembly
elected John Saunders, Walter Mengisen and Lateef Amusa to the Board;
reelected were Alicia Rutkowska-Kucharska and Michael McNamee.
Following our statutory meetings, we held a symposium
on talent identification and development, in co-operation with our partner,
DKB-ISTAF, organisers of one of the IAAF Golden League events. Models
of talent identification and development and scepticism on success were
discussed from many different perspectives, and those of you who participated
know that much effort is still needed to bridge the gap between practitioners
and scientists.
Again, I would like to invite all of you to participate
in the many ICSSPE initiatives through which we try to further develop
sport and physical education and actively contribute to social development.
Prof. Dr. Gudrun Doll-Tepper President, ICSSPE |
Une étape importante pour la coopération
entre les différents secteurs du sport, de l'éducation et
de la science, a été franchie cet été, lorsque
le Comité International Paralympique, le Comité International
Olympique, la Fédération Internationale de Médecine
du Sport et le CIEPSS, se sont mis d'accord pour réunir leurs congrès
en une Convention Internationale pour la Science, l'Education et la Médecine
du Sport (CISEMS). Ce nouvel évènement pluridisciplinaire
remplacera les conférences organisées précédemment
par les quatre membres fondateurs et se veut une platte-forme pour les
multiples facettes du sport, de la science et de l'éducation. La
convention inauguratrice, organisée avec nos partenaires chinois,
aura lieu du 1er au 5 août 2008 à Guangzhou, en Chine. L'Assemblée
générale du CIEPSS en 2008 se tiendra antérieurement,
également à Guangzhou. Si vous prévoyez des rencontres
statutaires ou des symposiums scientifiques dans le cadre de la CISEMS,
informez-en le Comité exécutif du CIEPSS le plus tôt
possible et notez bien les dates dans votre calendrier.
Berlin, qui accueille depuis presque dix ans le bureau
exécutif du CIEPSS, est une ville passionnante pour le sport. Pour
preuve, la finale de la Coupe du Monde de la FIFA cet été,
qui a clôturé quatre semaines de célébration
du football, à laquelle ont participé des centaines de milliers
de visiteurs en provenance du monde entier. Au même moment, l'un
des membres du CIEPSS, streetfootballworld, présentait le championnat
du monde de football de rue. L'énergie et la patience dont a fait
preuve Jürgen Griesbeck, le directeur de streetfootballworld, en
montant ce projet, nous ont tous beaucoup impressionné.
Voir ces jeunes athlètes jouer selon des règles
établies par eux-mêmes et sans arbitre, était un bel
exemple de respect et d'amitié pour nous tous. Les Special Olympics,
qui se sont tenus pendant la troisième semaine de septembre, ont
offert à plus de 2000 athlètes la chance de s'affronter
dans 15 disciplines différentes et de se qualifier pour les Jeux
Mondiaux à Shangai. Peu de temps après, le marathon de Berlin,
considéré avec ses 40.000 participants comme l'un des cinq
World Marathon Majors, a eu lieu. Au milieu de toute cette activité,
la famille du CIEPSS s'est rencontrée à Berlin pour son
meeting annuel et son Assemblée Générale.
Malgré les avancées technologiques
qui nous permettent de communiquer à longue distance, c'est toujours
un plaisir de rencontrer les représentants des organisations et
instituts membres du CIEPSS qui sont actuellement approximativement 300.
Cette année, ce fut un grand plaisir pour l'équipe du bureau
exécutif du CIEPSS et pour moi-même de vous accueillir à
Berlin. Les décisions importantes qui ont été prises
vont garantir une plus grande sécurité légale au
CIEPSS et à ses membres, ainsi que de nouvelles possibilités
de postuler pour des financements.
Pendant les meetings, nous nous sommes également
mis d'accord sur la création d'un groupe de travail dont l'objectif
sera d'élaborer une déclaration contre le dopage du CIEPSS.
Bien que le CIEPSS ait participé au développement du code
de L'Agence Mondiale Antidopage - WADA et de la Convention de l'UNESCO
contre le dopage, une déclaration qui couvre tout l'éventail
des intérêts représentés par les organisations
membres doit être élaborée. Sa portée ira au-delà
des questions législatives et morales, et inclura entre autres,
des perspectives éducatives et économiques. Nous vous informerons
de l'évolution concrète du projet le moment venu.
Je souhaite également vous informer de l'arrivée,
le 1er janvier 2007, de nouveaux membres au sein du Comité Exécutif.
l'Assemblée Générale a en effet élu John Saunders,
Walter Mengisen et Lateef Amusa et réélu Alicia Rutkowska-Kucharska
et Michael McNamee.
Suite aux rencontres statutaires, nous avons organisé
un symposium sur le repérage et le développement de talents,
en coopération avec nos partenaires, DKB-ISTAF, les organisateurs
de l'un des meetings de l'IAAF Golden League. Les nombreux points de vue
sur les modèles de repérage et d'identification de talent,
ainsi que le scepticisme sur le succès de certains modèles
ont été partagés, et ceux parmi vous qui y ont participé,
savent que de gros efforts doivent être faits pour réduire
l'écart entre les praticiens et les scientifiques.
Encore une fois, je vous invite à participer
aux nombreuses initiatives du CIEPSS à travers lesquelles nous
essayons de développer le sport et l'éducation physique
et de contribuer activement au développement social.
Prof. Dr. Gudrun Doll-Tepper
Présidente, ICSSPE |
Since June 2006, ICSSPE has received the following membership
applications that have been ratified at the 67th Executive Board Meeting
in 2006.
A045-2
National Dept. of Sport & Recreation SOUTH AFRICA 8 June 2006 D037-1
Dept. of Physical Education Sport and Culture University of Dar-es-Salaam TANZANIA 12 June 2006 B057-13
Deaflympics USA 22 June 2006 D128-7
Doshisha University Institut of Health and Sport Sciences JAPAN 26 June 2006 C020-1
Nigeria Baseball and Softball Association NIGERIA 30 June 2006 D182-6
University of the Sunshine Coast AUSTRALIA 30 June 2006 D104-1
Office of Woman Sport Development IRAN 30 June 2006 D164-3 University of Bacau ROMANIA 14 August 2006 Since September 2006, ICSSPE has received
the following membership applications that will be ratified at the 68th
Executive Board Meeting in 2007.
D020-4
University of Ado-Ekiti NIGERIA 6 September 2006 B174-3
Panathlon International ITALY 6 September 2006 D044-1
University of Namibia NAMIBIA 13 September 2006 D178-5
Physical Education Area, University of the Balearic Islands SPAIN 15 September 2006 |
Feature |
It has been a great pleasure to organize and develop
this special issue on “Sport and Human Rights.” Thank you
to ICSSPE for this unique opportunity. We hope the assembled collection
of articles, profiles and quotes will further contribute to this important
arena of research and activism, at a time in the world when this is increasingly
important. Understanding the connection between sport and human rights
is essential in our evolving and changing sporting community and society
as a whole. As a vehicle to transform and unite, sport is a place for
all people to learn, grow, share and communicate. In essence, sport is
a place to become more fully human.
We organized the research contributions within several
categories. Donnelly and Kidd provide us with an introduction to human
rights in and through sport. DaCosta, Abreu and Miragaya, and Hums and
Wolff focus on the connections among Olympism, the Olympic Movement and
human rights. The articles by Oglesby, Corbett and Roy address specific
groups of individuals. Spiegel and Gilbert present challenges to the linkages
between sport and human rights. Keller, Ayub and McArdle provide practical
case-study examples expressing human rights in and through sport. In conclusion,
Kaufman presents a discussion on athlete activists. We would like to thank
all of the authors for their excellent work and contributions to the field
of sport and human rights.
This special issue highlights profiles of examples of organizational activities
and initiatives in the arena of sport and human rights. These profiles
are presented in connection with the thematic areas of the research contributions.
We would like to thank Paulo David and Routledge Publishers; Lorna Read
and Right to Play; Alison Qualter-Berna and UNICEF; Rob Jagnow and the
Gay and Lesbian Athletics Federation; Claudine Sherrill, Shayke Hutzler
and IFAPA; Amy Farkas and the International Paralympic Committee; Richard
Leonard and UN-Sport; Maria Bobenrieth and Nike; Peter Roby and the Center
for the Study of Sport in Society; and Ken Noel and the Olympic Project
for Human Rights for their contributions. These profiles provide examples
of how organizations can choose to incorporate human rights into their
operations.
Finally, we included special and unique voices to provide statements and
quotes regarding sport and human rights. These quotes personalize the
arena of sport and human rights. We are so grateful for the contributions
provided by Muhammed Ali and the Ali Center, Johann Olav Koss, Dr. Richard
Lapchick, Cheri Blauwet and Anita DeFrantz. We would also like to thank
Thierry Henry for the opportunity to re-print his quote.
We do hope you enjoy and engage with this special issue on Sport and Human
Rights. We would like to also thank you, the reader, for your interest
and commitment to promoting human rights in and through sport.
|
“Fortunately for all of us, the pursuit
of sports has resulted in the advancement of understanding of different
people throughout the world. Sport unites people to a common cause, regardless
of cultural, racial, political, sociological or religious differences.
Ball fields, ice rinks, boxing rings and sports courts provide a common
ground for all who engage. Sport gives us another pair of eyes in which
to view our opponents. It teaches us to respect skill and hail accomplishments.
It encourages us to be better at our own chosen pursuits. It demands that
we continually re-evaluate our abilities and ourselves and shift the bar
higher for our teammates and ourselves. Sport has a way of enriching the
lives of all who participate, whether it is player, coach, or spectator.
It forces us to find the greatness within.”
Muhammad Ali
August 2006 Founder of Muhammad Ali Center Louisville, Kentucky The mission of the Muhammad Ali Center
is to preserve and share the legacy and ideals of Muhammad Ali, to promote
respect, hope and understanding and to inspire adults and children everywhere
to be as great as they can be.
The Muhammad Ali Center is both
a destination site and an international education and cultural center
guided by the ideals of its visionary founder, Muhammad Ali. Much more
than a place that tells the story of one man’s journey, the Ali
Center reaches beyond its physical walls to fulfill its mission, carry
on Muhammad’s work and to inspire the greatness within ourselves.
Located in Ali’s hometown of Louisville, Kentucky, the 93,000 sq.
ft. Center includes 2-1/2 levels of exhibits, public programming, two
changing exhibit galleries, meeting and event space and a retail store.
www.alicenter.org
|
Abstract
This article notes the renewed international interest in human rights
and addresses the ways in which human rights may be achieved in and
through sport. Three overlapping sections deal with: (a) the use of
sports to achieve human rights, focusing specifically on the anti-apartheid
movement; (b) the right to participate in sports; and (c) the rights
of specific classes of persons, which often combine ideas about the
right to participate with ideas about the use of sport in the more general
achievement of human rights. The latter section addresses women’s
rights, aboriginal rights, disability rights, rights associated with
those living in poverty, racial minorities, sexual orientation and,
in the case of sport, athletes’ and workers’ rights. The
article concludes by noting the need to determine how to make the right
to participate in sport more widely available and the need to determine
the circumstances under which participation in sport might assist in
the struggle to achieve human rights. Introduction
Following a period of stagnation, when United Nations (UN) actions
on human rights were limited and spending for human rights was only
1% of the total UN budget, there has been a recent revival of interest
in the issue of human rights. For example, the new United Nations (UN)
Human Rights Council has finally been established to replace the problematic
and ineffective UN Human Rights Commission; the second World Forum on
Human Rights was recently (2006) held in France to mark the 40th and
30th anniversaries respectively of the International Covenants on Civil
and Political Rights, and Economic, Social and Cultural Rights; and,
perhaps most significantly, the UN established the Millennium Development
Goals (MDGs). The MDGs represent a renewed commitment to achieving many
of the human rights first outlined in the 1948 Universal Declaration
on Human Rights, establishing a timetable (2015) for the realization
of these eight Goals:
As noted subsequently, sport has become involved in the achievement
of the MDGs.
“Human rights are literally the rights one has because one is
a human being,” (Donnelly, 1989, p. 9), and represent the difference
between “a life” and “a life of dignity” (p.
17). Barnes’ more legal definition suggests that, “A ‘right’
is a just claim or recognized interest; it is a moral or legal entitlement
that others are duty-bound to respect” (1996, p. 47). Thus, the
realization of rights produces responsibilities for others, a situation
that often involves politics and tensions. In addition to the general
notion of human rights, rights have also come to be associated with
classes of persons – people who, because of their subordinate
status in the social structures and material conditions of their societies,
have not achieved equal rights. Thus, there has been increased focus
on, for example, children’s rights, women’s rights, aboriginal
rights, disability rights and rights associated with those living in
poverty, with racial minorities (sometimes a misnomer in countries such
as South Africa), with sexual orientation and, in the case of sport,
athletes’ rights.
Human Rights and Sports
Although the relationship between sport and human rights has only in
recent years been considered a topic of research interest, it is important
to note that human rights are continually and routinely violated in
ways directly or indirectly related to sports. In order to address the
various ways in which human rights may be achieved in and through sports,
the following is organized into three overlapping sections: (a) the
use of sports to achieve human rights; (b) the right to participate
in sports; and (c) the rights of specific classes of persons, which
often combine ideas about the right to participate with ideas about
the use of sport in the more general achievement of human rights.
The achievement of human rights through sport
Although the response of the sport and physical education communities
to the MDGs indicates a widespread belief in the possibility of sport
being used to achieve human rights (see below), there is only one major
example of a human rights campaign where sport is widely acknowledged
to have been involved in its success, namely, the anti-apartheid movement
in South Africa.
White supremacist governments in South Africa began to implement apartheid
policies in 1948, relegating non-whites to second class including a
ban from participation on national sports teams (and an attempt to ensure
no non-whites competed on teams from other countries that came to South
Africa). International concern in the sporting communities was slow
to develop, sport organizations generally accepting the principle that
‘sport and politics should be separate’. The first anti-apartheid
step taken by a sport organization was in 1956 when the International
Table Tennis Federation replaced the all-white South African Table Tennis
Union with the non-racial South African Table Tennis Board (SATTB).
However, SATTB players were not permitted to travel to represent South
Africa, having had their passports confiscated by the South African
government (ANC, 1971).
In 1965, the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial
Discrimination (CERD) gave moral and legal force to campaigns against
apartheid and apartheid sport. The anti-apartheid campaigns increasingly
gained the world’s attention, creating growing isolation of South
Africa. Governments, civil society organizations and countries who continued
to compete against white South African teams all combined to increasingly
isolate South Africa from sporting contacts with other nations. Anti-apartheid
leaders relied heavily on the moral and legal authority of the Universal
Declaration on Human Rights and CERD, which was binding upon all signatory
governments. The United Nations was a continuing source of strength
in the struggle against apartheid (cf., Guelke, 1993; Kidd, 1991).
It finally became impossible for Commonwealth leaders, who were responsible
for reporting their progress on CERD, and who were developing their
own post-colonial racial equity initiatives, to ignore the apartheid
policies of one of its members, or to ignore the growing campaign to
isolate South Africa from international sport. In 1977, they signed
the Gleneagles Agreement on Sporting Contacts with South Africa, and
by 1985, with the signing of the International Convention against Apartheid
in Sport (UN Human Rights Commission), no country played South Africa
in any major sport (cf., Hain, 1971; Thompson, 1988). It is possible
to imagine the symbolic message delivered if no one played against your
national team in any major sport, especially when some of your athletes
and teams are among the best in the world. While many other political
and economic measures were taken in the 40 year campaign against apartheid,
it is widely acknowledged that the sporting isolation and condemnation
of South Africa played an important role in ending apartheid during
the years 1989-1994.
The right to participate in sport
Modern sports were developed in the 19th century as socialization and
pleasure for imperial upper-class males (Kidd &Donnelly, 2000).
Race, class and gender exclusions were routinely maintained in sports,
and still are to some extent. Although various attempts were made to
democratize participation, the barriers did not really begin to give
way until after the Second World War, in the same period that led to
the Universal Declaration on Human Rights, and led to various liberations,
civil rights and equal rights movements around the world. The right
to participate in sports is an aspect of social and cultural rights
and is directly related to the rights to health and education.
The Universal Declaration on Human Rights indirectly advocates the right
to participate in sport through Article 24 (“everyone has the
right to rest and leisure”) and Article 27 (“the right freely
to participate in the cultural life of the community”). However,
the first specific international declarations of the right to participate
in sport and physical activity emerged in the 1970s. European nations
developed the 1976 European Sport for All Charter, the first Article
of which stated that:
Sport and the human rights of specific classes
Increasingly, marginalized groups and populations are announcing their
presence and claiming their right to human rights with the use of sport.
Using just one sport, football (soccer), recent examples include:
These examples are replicated by larger classes of persons who, throughout
the world, have struggled for greater involvement in sport (the right
to participate), often as part of a larger struggle for human rights
and/or in the belief that participation in sport will enable the achievement
of human rights. The following provides a brief outline of some of these
struggles.
Gender. The first major victory
for women’s rights in sport was in the United States, where Title
IX (the 1972 Educational Amendments to the Civil Rights Act) forced many
public educational institutions to increase the resources for women’s
sports. This legislation had a powerful impact on increasing the participation
of girls and women in sport (although a negative effect on the number
of coaching and administrative positions for women) and many have argued
that such increases in participation are related to increasing gender
equity in the United States. In 1979, the UN Convention on the Elimination
of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) included article
10g, which specifically advocates the right to participate in sports.
Gender equity campaigns and legislation in many countries have helped
to increase women’s participation (e.g. in Canada, the Charter of
Rights and Freedoms (1982) brought sports under the ambit of federal and
provincial human rights codes). However, it was the emergence in the mid-1990s
of lobby groups to advocate specifically for women’s rights in sport,
most importantly the International Working Group on Women in Sport and
Atlanta Plus, that have driven adherence to CEDAW and obliged patriarchal
organizations such as the IOC to begin to deal with gender equity issues
in sport.
Disability. The struggle for disability
rights is contemporary with, but initially received less attention than
other human rights movements. However, the organization of sports by and
for athletes with a mental or a physical disability, culminating in the
Special Olympics and the Paralympic Games, has resulted in a significant
growth in participation. Many argue that the demonstration of skill and
effort by athletes with a disability signals to able-bodied individuals
the capacity and equality of those with a disability.
Sexuality. Sport has been considered
as one of the most hostile environments for gay and lesbian athletes.
However, in line with sexuality rights movements in various countries
and the inclusion of sexuality in equity legislation, gay and lesbian
sport teams and leagues have been established in many cities in the West
and the organization of the Gay Games (and the recent alternative Out
Games (Montreal, 2006)) to celebrate gay and lesbian sport have led to
reports of slowly growing inclusion and less ‘compulsory heterosexuality’.
National and international sport organizations have recently reached agreements
on the inclusion of transgendered athletes in sports.
Aboriginal and racial minority. The
growing aboriginal rights movements around the world have frequently attempted
to revive traditional cultures, including physical cultures. This has
sometimes led to the re-establishment of traditional games and games festivals
(e.g. the Arctic Winter Games). However, aboriginal athletes also participate
in modern sports and their accomplishments add immeasurably to community
pride and possibly to the perceived status and equity struggles of aboriginal
peoples.
The anti-apartheid movement was contemporary with, and preceded, other
campaigns for racial human rights in sports. Leading up to the Mexico
City Olympic Games, the Olympic Movement for Human Rights advocated
a boycott, but ended with the sacrificial gesture of two United States
black athletes on the podium. The campaign in the United States continues
with Richard Lapchick’s annual racial report cards. In the United
Kingdom, the Sporting Equals campaign continues the advocacy of racial
rights, together with specific campaigns in cricket and football. Similar
monitoring and campaign exist or are planned in a number of countries.
Children. Please see ‘Sport
and Children’s Rights' in this issue.
Poverty. Social class is the ‘elephant
in the room’ in terms of human rights, equity and sport participation.
Even in developed nations there is a well-established linear relationship
between income and participation in sport and physical activity. Poverty
is the single greatest barrier to participation. Human rights and equity
legislation deal quite well with categories of humans based on identity,
as noted above; such legislation is much less effective in dealing with
the material conditions of life. As Gary Armstrong notes with regard to
the neighbourhood football programmes established in Liberia following
the civil war, in a statement that resonates with both poverty and the
MDGs (below), “rehabilitation and reintegration projects are doomed
to fail if there is no better life offered to the disaffected demilitarized”
(2006, p. 206).
Combination / the MDGs. The classes
of persons listed above characterize people in terms of a single category.
Since everyone has a gender, sexuality, race/ethnicity, age, social class
and varying levels of ability/disability, classification in terms of a
single category limits the opportunities for analysis of sport and human
rights. The Millennium Development Goals, by taking into account poverty
and social class, age, gender and health status, provide a limited combination
of social structural categories. Leading up to 2005, the International
Year of Sport and Physical Education, two major documents were produced
relating sport and physical education to achievement of the MDGs (Swiss
Agency for Development, 2005; United Nations, 2003). These documents argue,
with limited evidence, that increased participation in sport will assist
in the achievement of the MDGs. While increased participation is a worthy
goal, it will be important to determine the specific circumstances under
which such participation leads to the achievement of human rights.
Workers / athletes. More research
attention has been directed to a somewhat different class of persons,
those who work in the sports and sporting goods industries. The recognition
that athletes must be afforded the same protections enjoyed by all citizens
derives much of its moral and legal force from human rights legislation
(cf. Kidd and Eberts, 1982; Barnes, 1996). However, the well-documented
violations of athletes rights to health, freedom of speech (MacNeill,
et al., 2001) and other well established human rights indicates that a
different set of ‘working’ conditions appears to apply to
those in professional and high performance sport (cf. Rhoden’s (2006)
recent book referring to wealthy Black professional athletes in the U.S.
as “$40 million slaves”).
Workers in the sporting goods industry have also received a great deal
of attention in recent years, spearheaded by the anti-Nike campaign
(Knight & Greenberg, 2002; Sage, 1999). Concerns about the export
of jobs to low wage countries, sweatshop working conditions and child
labour have resulted in a sustained campaign to monitor and improve
the conditions for workers in the sporting goods and sport apparel industries.
Some successes have been achieved in improving the workers’ right
of those employed in the sports industries.
Conclusion
The achievement of human rights in terms of participation in sport has
been mixed. Significant gains have been reported in the participation
rates of women and persons with a disability. However, the Sport for
All campaigns in Western nations appear to have stalled, often with
significantly less than 50% of the population participating regularly,
and renewed research efforts need to be made to determine the appropriate
circumstances and policies that might lead to optimum realization of
the right to participate in sport.
With regard to the achievement of human rights through sport, only in
the anti-apartheid campaign did sport unequivocally assist in the achievement
of racial equity in South Africa. In other cases, there is abundant
anecdotal evidence of assumed relationships between participation in
sport and the achievement of a broader range of human rights.
What is needed is much more systematic evidence of the circumstances
under which the opportunity to participate in sport might result in
learning the skills and motivation to win the struggle for human rights
for various classes of persons.
References
ANC (1971). International boycott of apartheid
sport. Paper prepared for the UN unit on apartheid. Retrieved from the
African National Congress Archives: www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/history/aam/abdul-2.html
Armstrong, G. (2006). The lords of misrule: Football
and the rights of the child in Liberia, West Africa. In D. McArdle &
R. Giulianotti (eds.), Sport, civil liberties and human rights
(pp. 181-210). London: Routledge.
Barnes, J. (1996). Sports and the law in Canada
(3rd ed.). Toronto: Butterworths.
Donnelly, J. (1989). Universal human rights
in theory and practice. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.
Donnelly, P. & Kidd. B. (2006). Moral authority
and the IOC: Steps for the future. Japan Journal of Sport Sociology,
12, pp. 15-24.
Giulianotti, R. (2006). Introduction. In, D. McArdle
& R. Giulianotti (eds.), Sport, civil liberties and human rights
(pp. 1-8). London: Routledge.
Guelke, A. (1993). Sport and the end of apartheid.
In L. Allison (ed.), The changing politics of sport. (pp. 151-170)
Manchester: Manchester University Press.
Hain, P. (1971). Don’t play with apartheid.
London: Allen & Unwin.
International Olympic Committee (1997). Olympic
charter. Lausanne: IOC.
Kidd, B. (1991). From quarantine to cure: The new phase in the struggle
against
apartheid port. Sociology of Sport Journal, 8(1), 33-46. Kidd, B. & Donnelly, P. (2000). Human rights
in sport. International Review for the Sociology of Sport,
35(2), 131-148.
Kidd, B., & Eberts, M. (1982). Athletes’
rights in Canada. Toronto: Ontario Ministry of Tourism and Recreation.
Knight, G., & Greenberg, J. (2002). Promotionalism
and subpolitics: Nike and its labor critics. Management Communication
Quarterly, 15 (4), 41-70.
MacNeill, M., Donnelly, P., & Knight, G. (2001).
Corporate training: Identity construction, preparation for the Sydney
Olympic Games, and relationships between Canadian media, swimmers and
sponsors. Olympika, 10, 1-24.
Rhoden, W.C. (2006). $40 million slaves: The
rise, fall and redemption of the Black athlete. New York: Crown
Publishers.
Sage, G. (1999). JUSTICE! DO IT.... NIKE -- The
Nike transnational advocacy network: Organization, collective actions,
and outcomes. Sociology of Sport Journal, 16 (3), 206-235.
Swiss Development Agency (2005). Sport for
development and peace. Berne: Swiss Agency for Development and
Cooperation.
Thompson, S. (1988). Challenging the hegemony:
New Zealand women’s opposition to rugby and the reproduction of
a capitalist patriarchy. International Review for the Sociology
of Sport, 23(3), 205-212.
United Nations (2003). Sport for development
and peace: Towards achieving the Millennium Development Goals.
Report from the United Nations Inter-Agency Task Force on Sport for
Development and Peace. New York: Author.
Contact
Dr. Peter Donnelly University of Toronto Toronto, CANADA Peter.donnelly@utoronto.ca Dr. Bruce Kidd University of Toronto Toronto, CANADA Bruce.kidd@utoronto.ca |
Gender and racial discrimination are addressed by major UN Conventions,
and those subject to such discrimination have enjoyed, to varying degrees,
gains in human rights in general, and in sport in particular in part
as a result of those Conventions. The UN Convention on the Rights of
the Child (CRC), which passed in 1989, has more signatory nations than
any other Convention. However, to date, children remain the major class
of persons who have enjoyed almost no increase in human rights in general,
or in sport. National and international sport organizations have singularly
failed to deal with issues regarding the human rights of children. As
a consequence, some 14 Articles of the CRC are occasionally or routinely
violated in sports. For example, Articles 28, 29 and 31 affirm children’s
rights to education, leisure, recreation and cultural activities, while
Articles 32, 34 and 36 prohibit various forms of exploitation. Article
12 specifically ensures the rights of children to their own opinions,
an important consideration when we consider how rarely children are
asked for an opinion, or even expected to have one, in organized sport
programmes.
In addition to the need to realize children’s right to participate
in sports, there are three major areas of concern with regard to children
in sports:
The regulation of child labour in the sporting goods industry is the
responsibility of both governments and corporations. The choice of sporting
goods and uniforms, and the selection of sporting goods corporations
as sponsors, are the responsibilities of national and international
sport federations. The need to conform to the CRC by recognizing childhood
as a period of growth and development, the regulation of conditions
under which children practice and compete, and under which they are
bought and sold (drafted, contracted, traded, etc.), are also responsibilities
of governments, national and international sport federations and umbrella
organizations such as the International Olympic Committee (IOC) (Donnelly
& Petherick, 2004). The IOC has taken steps in recent years to achieve
racial and gender equity in sports and to assist (through Olympic Solidarity)
in the travel and training of athletes living in poverty. The status
of children should be the next major international policy initiative
in sport.
References
Brackenridge, C. (2006). Women and children first?:
Child abuse and child protection in sport. In D. McArdle & R. Giulianotti
(eds.), Sport, civil liberties and human rights (pp. 30-45).
London: Routledge.
David, P. (1993). Children in sport: Exploitation
or accomplishment? International Children’s Rights Monitor,
10(4), 8-12.
David, P. (2004). Human rights in youth sport.
London: Routledge.
Donnelly, P. (1993). Problems associated with youth
involvement in high performance sport. In B. Cahill & A. Pearl (eds.),
Intensive participation in children’s sports (pp. 95-126)
Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics.
Donnelly, P. (1997). Child labour, sport labour:
Applying child labour laws to sport. International Review for the
Sociology of Sport, 32(4), 389-406.
Donnelly, P. & Petherick, L. (2004). Workers’
playtime?: Child labour at the extremes of the sporting spectrum. Sport
in Society, 7(3), 301-321.
|
In just the last decade, over 2 million children have been killed as
a direct result of armed conflict and more than three times that number
have been permanently disabled or seriously injured. An estimated 20
million children have been forced to flee their homes and hundreds of
thousands of young boys and girls have been forced to serve as child
soldiers.
Unite forChildren Unite for Peace
has been launched to directly address these issues. The objective of this
campaign, which UNICEF and FIFA brought
to the hundreds of millions of the 2006 FIFA World Cup in Germany, is
to ensure that every child has the right to a peaceful world, free from
conflict and abuse.
Football reaches more youth than any other recreational activity in
the world. Football's magic touch is a worldwide phenomenon, making
the sport more than just a game. It plays a major part in shaping culture
in countries the world over. Harnessing the power of football, a universal
language all children understand, can translate into an effective tool
to combat violence and conflict, enabling children to grow up in more
peaceful societies.
This campaign was born out of the strong bond FIFA and UNICEF developed
over the last seven years and FIFA's continual generosity to help UNICEF
achieve its mission of health, education, equality and protection for
every child.
In 2004, for example, FIFA donated 1,200 'Sports-in-a-Box' recreation
kits to UNICEF for countries affected by conflict. The donation helped
each of these countries develop sport-related programming for peace
education and peace-building.
To build on the success of that initiative, UNICEF
and FIFA have come together once again to promote the Unite forChildren
Unite for Peace theme, which encompasses a number of country
programs and specifically focuses on global communications both during
and following the 2006 FIFA World Cup. It will strive not only to promote
peace internationally and nationally but to also reach deep into local
communities and communicate with people on an individual level.
The campaign seeks to promote the values of peace and to address the
widespread problem of violence and discrimination against children.
Contact:
Alison Qualter Berna Sports for Development Office of Public Partnerships UNICEF Three United Nations Plaza, rm 1134 New York, NY 10017 tel: +1 212 326 7553 fax: +1 646 797 0248 aqualter@unicef.org |
"In North America we tend to take sport and play for granted.
However when we look at areas of the world where children do not have
guaranteed access to sport and play, we begin to realize the irreplaceable
role that these activities have in the healthy development of children,
not only physically but socially and emotionally. The United Nations
recognition of the right of the child to engage in play and recreational
activities places the proper level of importance on sport and play.
It should not be a luxury or a privilege. Every child should have the
right to play." Johann Olav Koss
President and CEO, Right to Play |
Capitalizing on worldwide momentum being gained by the Sport for Development
movement, the Sport for Development and Peace International Working
Group (SDP IWG), first envisioned during the 2004 Olympic Games in Athens,
was officially launched in 2005 as part of the activities under the
International Year for Sport and Physical Education (IYSPE 2005). The
SDP IWG is working towards the articulation and adoption of policy recommendations
to incorporate sport and physical activity into development and foreign
assistance strategies and programs. These policy recommendations will
be presented at the 2008 Olympic and Paralympic Games in Beijing. Right
To Play is the SDP IWG Secretariat.
"Many countries do not have national sports initiatives, and those
that do often miss the opportunities created when sport and development
programs collaborate," said UNDP Assistant Administrator, Mr. Bruce
Jenks, Chair of the International Working Group. "With the policy
tools it creates, the Sport for Development and Peace International
Working Group will make it easier for these countries to set up their
own sport programs and reap the development benefits." The vision for the International Working Group evolved over the course
of several years in conjunction with the growing recognition of sport
as an important tool for development, health and peace. There is mounting
evidence that providing more opportunities for children to play enhances
their healthy physical, social and emotional development and builds
stronger, more peaceful communities.
Contact:
Anna Alexandrova SDP IWG Manager Policy Right to Play 65 Queen Street West, Thomson Building Suite 1900, Box 64, Toronto, Ontario M5H 2M5 CANADA Phone: +1 416-498-1922 Email: IWGSecretariat@righttoplay.com |
The remark of multiculturalism embedded in Olympic sport may initially
be examined harking back to Pierre de Coubertin's basic principles of
international understanding and mutual respect as issued in the early
20th century. As yet, considering the present-day worldwide trend towards
promoting cultural integration and diversification, the Olympic Movement
and the Olympic Games are here understood to have an explicit engagement
on cultural relativism. This paper aims at providing a theoretical basis
for this typical relativism from multicultural assemblages in contrast
to proclaimed Olympic universal values, in view of current debates on
the needed universality of Human Rights for sport concerns.
In retrospect, Baron Pierre de Coubertin, with his principles of Enlightenment,
began this Movement with the modern version of the Olympic Games. He
successfully led an international congress in Paris 1894 to call upon
participant nations in order to accomplish this restoration. After controversy
and negotiations, a group of 10 nations decided to re-establish the
Games, beginning in 1896. Henceforth, the so-called neo-Olympism appeared
and Coubertin conceived it to meet a “philosophy of life”
based on proclaimed universal values.
This intention of universality is one of the primordial characteristics
of both the Olympic Movement as well as the Olympic Games, as far as
they were grounded in the presupposed philosophical principles of Olympism.
As initiator of the Olympic Movement, Coubertin developed, after 1894,
a renewed doctrine based on the Ancient Olympic Games and oriented towards
a social pedagogy, which supposedly could be adapted to any ethnic group
or culture. In this sense, one of the main historians of Coubertin’s
life, Yves Pierre Boulongne (1994, p. 22), divulges in one of his writings
that the Olympic Congresses from 1897 to 1914 “defined the doctrine
and promoted Olympism as a universal value”.
Nevertheless, the cultural relations established within the Olympic
Movement led to an internationally understood implied meaning without
explicitly promoting a discussion of the universal acceptance of the
values of Olympism as related to the particular values of each culture.
In other words, sports activities are taught and experienced in different
ways in each society, according to the interpretations of the specific
local culture.
Olympic universality
Coubertin’s multicultural vision of Olympism had a specific construction
based on the intention of the universality of the Games and the Olympic
Movement. In one of his texts from 1920 it was recorded that in the
Olympic Games of London 1908, there was a “resolution to include
not only all the nations but also all the games. All games, all nations”
(Coubertin, 1920).
The Olympic Games of Athens (1896) started the process of baptism of
Olympism. The second Olympiad (1900) in Paris revealed the modern character
of the Games and the third Olympiad (Saint Louis, 1904) showed that
‘the universal trend of the movement became clear’ (p.10).
The process of baptism was finally completed in London, four years later
(1908). Thus, the expression “All games, all nations” is
representative of the Olympic ideology, presupposed in this investigation
and displayed in several texts, including one from 1911, in which Coubertin
precisely reinforced the doctrine of ‘all games, all nations’,
depicting for the first time a multicultural trait: “The fundamental
rule of Modern Olympic Games is linked with two expressions: all games,
all nations. The power to change this rule does not come from the International
Olympic Committee. I would add to this explanation that a nation is
necessarily an independent State and that there is a sport geography
that can sometimes differentiate from the political geography”.
In other words, a multiple cultural approach for Coubertin was an implicit
universal construction, but clearly founded on the distinction between
nation and culture, according to the beliefs of that period. Again,
a reexamination of the texts shows that the period between 1908 and
1924 can be considered by and large as the period when Coubertin approximated
the concept of multiculturalism. This latter term, by the way, is from
recent extraction, and the ‘all games, all nations’ doctrine
seems to have dissolved when Coubertin withdrew from the presidency
of the International Olympic Committee (IOC) in 1925.
However, the universal claim has been kept up to present day under several
rationales of the IOC, including the option that it should be incorporated
into the Olympic Charter. For instance, the Principles of the Olympic
Charter (International Olympic Committee, 1997) clearly proclaim several
values such as the second principle, which refers to the definition
of Olympism as a movement which “seeks to create a way of life
based on the joy found in effort, the educational value of good example
and respect for universal fundamental ethical principles” (p.8).
The seventh principle also demonstrates an assumption of universal values:
“The activity of the Olympic Movement symbolized by five interlaced
rings is universal and permanent. It covers the five continents. It
reaches its peak with the bringing together of athletes of the world
at the great sports festival, the Olympic Games” (p. 9).
Still in retrospective terms, DaCosta (2002) identified in the 1930s
phase of the Olympic Movement not only an apparent multicultural focus
but also a dominant eurocentrism. In sum, the motto “all sports,
all nations” in the decade of the 1930s was under a different
interpretation than Coubertin’s Olympism, as it passed from an
eclectic concept to an outlined understanding based on limited ideological
and political confrontations. Moving out from Coubertin’s lifetime
to contemporary Olympic Movement facts, it is symptomatic that in many
sessions promoted by the International Olympic Academy (IOA), Greece,
there have been declared and explicit preoccupations with multiculturalism
related to Olympism.
For instance, in the 33rd IOA Main Session, 1993, some representatives
from the African continent questioned the fact that modern Olympism
only values the practice of sports that are characteristic of the European
continent. In the same session, a discussion emerged about the viability
to commend universal human values of sport practice upon societies still
full of racial, social and political conflicts (Abreu, 2002). In keeping
with these debates, some principles proposed by Olympism continue to
be distant conditions, since these principles are far from representing
a singular sports culture. In this concern, there is a need to review
the notion of multiculturalism facing the possible adoption of cultural
relativism by the Olympic Movement as one of its main operational definitions.
Additionally, the understanding of the formation of a multicultural
group is often considered groundwork for the Olympic Education concerns.
Multiculturalism
Multiculturalism as a term has appeared very recently. According to
many sources, this word emerged in the United States of America during
the 1990s. At the beginning of the 1980s, the same expression appeared
as a code to hide the word “race”. It became linked to the
appearance of the language considered “politically correct”,
established in that country to fit the social-economic minorities discriminated
against by the developed nations’ market. Within this context,
the expression ‘multiculturalism’ often gives the impression
of a cultural mixture or cultural diversity, but it carries a ‘politically
correct’ statement.
The anthropologist Eller (1997), focusing on the initial concept of
multiculturalism, found similarities with the concept of anthropology;
both terms contradict each other when they are treated under the concept
of culture. Otherwise, paraphrasing another anthropologist (Cardoso,
1995), multiculturalism, under political and practical conceptualization
in several domains, has formed, in some Western countries, debates and
endless polemics. Multiculturalism has been confronted with different
philosophies related to the way to promote equal opportunities. From
these debates, concepts from several areas, like biology, sociology
and anthropology, have emerged. Above all, multiculturalism found its
roots and its theoretical stems in anthropology. Culture and cultural
relativism concepts are indications of a multicultural approach in spite
of different usage and ideological implications. Anthropology as a social
science has been brought into relation with the development of multiculturalism
and has also been influencing it. Yet, according to Eller, in a certain
way multiculturalism is an applied anthropology. But, in spite of this
proximity, the dialogue between both areas of knowledge has not been
intense and sometimes their influences cannot be seen.
The increasing growth of heterogeneous societies (from the intensification
of migrations, ethnic interactions, globalized intercultural relations
and movements in favor of Human Rights) guides approaches that can not
stem from traditional cultural concepts and traditional cultural relativism
concepts. Facing these realities, the problematic culture concepts become
indispensable and it is considered a collective elaboration, in continuous
transformation.
Within this scenario, how are Olympic values going to be brought into
discussion? How are proclaimed universal values going to be attached
to cultural diversity? Epistemologically, to what future is it possible
to guide these values? In this context, an attempt is needed to find
solutions for economic and social inequality, including concepts such
as multiculturalism, post modernity, ethnic and gender issues.
Eller’s concern (1997) towards this topic is related to the debate
around the dangers of either adopting a multiculturalist’s point
of view or an anti-multiculturalist’s point of view. First of
all, the multiculturalists’ conception about multiculturalism
is that several cultures living together can either destroy a country’s
national identity or enhance the power of a nation with cultural diversities.
Universal values are old attempts of Human Beings to create values accepted,
absorbed and reproduced among all cultures - a kind of knowledge that
is valid in any situation. While trying to relate multiculturalism to
universalism, an adjoining line between the preservation of cultural
characteristics and the good use of all the traditional and classic
values stored by humankind is being drawn.
The impact on civilization of the rearrangement of the world order settles
a collision between power and culture as well as the tendency to establish
universal concepts. The political structure of some civilizations reacts
against Western universalized concepts and transfers the presupposed
established power to other representative issues such as the necessity
of international understanding, preservation, inclusion and valorization
of non-Western cultures. It does not mean that we have to get rid of
philosophies proclaiming universal values, but we have to consider world
conflicts and examine if certain paradigms do not have eternal validity.
Olympism developments
Historically speaking, Olympism has taken multiculturalism into consideration
and this experience shows that a focus once adequate in a certain period
of time may not be adequate in another period. A growing number of institutions,
organizations, research centers and teachers are now debating multiculturalism
and its influence in everyone’s life. Several channels are being
used to make these groups meet, including schools, Internet and occasionally,
Olympic Movement institutions.
Although many people consider Olympism a dogmatic theory and criticize
it for its doctrinaire discourses, Olympism has changed its profile
thanks to some scholars who advocate an applicable Olympism. Lining
up with this model, Parry (1998) suggests the philosophical anthropology
of Olympism promotes the ideal of individual, all round, harmonious
human development; excellence and achievement; effort in competitive
sporting activity; mutual respect, fairness, justice and equality; lasting
personal human relationship of friendship; international relationships
of peace, toleration and understanding; and cultural alliances with
the arts.
With this proposal, Olympism embraces a variety of contemporary issues
that cover some basic required conditions to be adjusted to our present
world. Another proposal was developed by DaCosta (1998, p. 193) by understanding
Olympism as a Progress Philosophy, a proposition generally defined today
as a speculative construction of philosophical positions or directions
yet without internal coherence, which asserts that reality is constantly
in a process of change. Moreover, Parry and DaCosta link their interpretations
of Olympism to the promotion of values.
Closing
In conclusion, it is worth mentioning another of DaCosta’s (1998,
p. 198) arguments when one approaches dilemmas, paradoxes and overall
constraints of the Olympic Movement worldwide nowadays: “Then philosophically, the practical meaning of Olympism is more concerned with cultural claims than with scientific or pedagogical prescriptions. (…) In principle, while athleticism requires control in macro-relations, the symbolic identity of man in his pluralistic environment comprises values and contingent experiences in micro-relations, demanding a new approach to equilibrium after all.”
Regarding this interpretation, a concluding remark of the present review
concerns the two-level differentiation of Olympism: while DaCosta had
recommended a pluralistic and progressive adaptation to Olympic doctrine,
MacAloon (1991) proposed in the same context of analysis “global
interconnections” and “cultural differentiation”,
both mutually adapted. An equivalent approach has Müller (1990),
to whom Olympism progresses, keeping “immutable values”
from its historical foundations and developing “updated values”.
Coincidentally, Liponski (1987) envisaged present-day “Olympic
Universalism” as opposed to “Olympic Pluralism”, prescribing
a long-lasting process of introducing “to Olympism the cultural
and philosophical experience of societies other than Western”.
Summarizing, this two-level approach suggests that each Olympic value
must be submitted to an agreement involving a diversity of cultural
understanding. In this case, a “universal” value should
be an agreed value and not necessarily an outcome of Olympic and Coubertin’s
traditions. This option for mutual understanding is more a philosophical
problem than an anthropological contention related to cultural relativism.
Finally, in terms of the current discussion emphasized on the initial
proposition of this paper, should this suggestion be also applicable
to Human Rights approaches in sport based on multiculturalism? Should
we all be finally able to find a balance between the need of universal
values and the respect to particular cultural identities?
References
ABREU, N. G. (2002). Multicultural responses
to Olympism - an ethnographic research in Ancient Olympia, Greece.
In DaCosta, L.P. (ed) Olympic Studies (pp. 201 – 254). Rio de Janeiro:
University Gama Filho Press.
CARDOSO, C. M.N. (1995). Antropologia e Multiculturalismo.
Setubal – Portugal: Escola Superior de Educacao de Setubal.
Available online: esetbl@mail.telepac.pt
BOULONGNE, Y. P. (1994). Origins of the Olympic
Idea in the Western World. In B. Jeu & Y.P. Boulongne (eds).
For a Humanism of Sport (pp. 7 - 41). Paris: CNOSF-Editions Reune, EPS.
COUBERTIN, P. (1911). Geographie Sportive
(Revue Olympique, pp. 51-52). In Müller, N. (1986) Pierre de Coubertin
– Textes Choisis (Tome II, p. 452). Zurich: Weidmann.
COUBERTIN, P. (1920). L’Apport de la VIIeme
Olympiade (La Revue Sportive Illustrée, no 3, p.10). In Müller,
N. (1986) Pierre de Coubertin – Textes Choisis (Tome II, p. 265).
Zurich: Weidmann.
DACOSTA, L. P. (1998). Olympism and the Equilibrium
of Man. In N. Müller, N. (ed.) Coubertin and Olympism questions
for the future (pp. 188 - 199). Germany: Schors Niederhansen.
DACOSTA, L. P. (2002). Olympic Studies (pp.
91 – 106). Rio de Janeiro: University Gama Filho Press.
ELLER, J. D. (1997). Anti-Anti-Multiculturalism.
Denver: American Anthropologist Association, 99, no 2, 249-260.
LIPONSKI W. (1987). Olympic Universalism vs.
Olympic Pluralism: Problems of Eurocentrism. In S. KANG, J. MACALOON,
R.DAMATTA (eds). The Olympics and East/West and South/North Cultural Exchange
(p. 517). Seoul: The Institute for Ethnological Studies, Hanyang University.
MACALOON J. (1991). The Turn of Two Centuries:
Sport and the Politics of Intercultural Relations. In LANDRY, F.,
LANDRY, M. & YERLÈS, M. (eds). Sport...The Third Millennium
(pp.31-44). Saint-Foy, Quebec: Les Presses de L’Université
Laval.
MÜLLER, N. (1990). Olympism and Sport for
All. IOA Book Report 29th session (pp.188-200). Ancient Olympia:
IOA.
PARRY, J. (1998). The Values of Olympism and
Sports Education for Tomorrow. Position Paper prepared for the 4th
joint International Session for Directors of NOAs, members and staff of
NOCs and IFs. Ancient Olympia: IOA.
Contact: Dr. Lamartine DaCosta Universidade Gama Filho, Rio de Janeiro Brazil lamartine@terra.com Dr. Neise Abreu Escola Americana, Rio de Janeiro Brazil neise.abreu@earj.com.br Dr. Ana Miragaya Universidade Gama Filho, Rio de Janeiro Brazil amiragaya@uol.com.br |
Introduction
This essay explores the potential for the philosophy and ideology of
Olympism to serve as a real and practical vehicle to promote human rights
within the arena of sport. Is it possible for a philosophy of life to
exist as a functional catalyst for social change? This article defines
and outlines the framework of Olympism, and the connection with the
International Olympic Academy, the educational centre and home of the
teachings of Olympism. The authors then explore the application of Olympism
to promote human rights within sport, highlighting and analyzing specific
initiatives and activities utilizing and embodying Olympism. This approach
is in line with Bhuvanendra (1998/9), who stated, “As Olympism
and human rights have the same philosophical profile, comparative teaching
of these two concepts would be well received not only by the academic
community but also by the practitioners of sport” (p. 19).
Sport and Human Rights
The United Nations began setting human rights standards in the mid-20th
century. According to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, “All
human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are
endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another
in a spirit of brotherhood” (United Nations, 1948, p. 1).
Authors have linked sport and human rights throughout the years (Bhuvanendra,
1998/9; Kidd & Donnelly, 2000; Lapchick, 1975; McArdle & Giulianotti,
2003; Wolff & Hums, 2006). Documents of the International Olympic
Committee are consistent with the United Nations philosophy on human
rights. The Olympic Charter, the supreme governing document of the Olympic
Movement, specifically states that “the practice of sport is a
human right. Every individual must have the possibility of practising
sport without discrimination of any kind and in the Olympic spirit,
which requires mutual understanding with a spirit of friendship, solidarity
and fair play” (International Olympic Committee, 2004, p. 9).
The Meaning of Olympism
When one hears the word “Olympism”, many things may come
to mind. People may think of extraordinary athletes, inspiring performances,
well-organized Games and medal stand anthems. What was the vision of
Pierre de Coubertin, the founder of the modern Olympic movement? What
is a definition of Olympism? According to the International Olympic
Academy, “Olympism is a philosophy of life, where blending sport
and culture with art and education aims to combine in balanced whole
the human qualities of body, will and mind. Olympism is a way of life
based on respect for human dignity and fundamental universal ethical
principles, on the joy of effort and participation, on the educational
role of good example, a way of life based on mutual understanding”
(International Olympic Academy, 2006, p. 12). This definition goes hand
in hand with the notion of respecting human rights.
The International Olympic Academy, located in Olympia, Greece, just
five minutes walk from the archeological site of the ancient Olympic
stadium, promotes the spirit of Olympism in modern times. “The
International Olympic Academy functions as a multicultural and interdisciplinary
centre that aims at studying, enriching and promoting Olympism”
(International Olympic Academy, 2006, p. 6). Through sessions for young
participants, post-graduate students, educators, National Olympic Academy
directors/officials and sport journalists, the ideals of Olympism are
presented, discussed and disseminated to people from around the world.
The IOA itself reflects the spirit of Olympism where people from all
over the world come together to live in peace and promote human rights.
In this modern age, perhaps one may think these notions seem a bit idealistic.
How can we see the spirit of Olympism in action in today’s world?
How does Olympism in sport remain alive today in a world where athletes
and sport governing bodies must consider how to balance living in the
temple or the agora? (Martinkova, 2006).
Examples of Olympism in Action
Examples of Olympism and human rights are present today just as they
were in Pierre de Coubertin’s time. To quote de Coubertin, “Olympism
is not a system, it is a state of mind. It can permeate a wide variety
of modes of expression and no single race or era cam claim to have the
monopoly of it” (International Olympic Academy, 2006, p. 6). Some
current examples include the Olympic Truce, the IOC’s Women in
Sport Commission, the International Paralympic Committee’s Position
of the IPC on Human Rights and finally the actions of individual athletes.
The first example is the notion of the Olympic Truce. In ancient times,
when the Games approached, the city states of ancient Greece declared
a cessation of fighting so that the athletes, artists, pilgrims and
their families could safely travel to and from the Games (International
Olympic Committee, 2006a). This “Sacred Truce” formed the
principle underlying today’s notion of the Olympic Truce. In 2001,
the International Olympic Committee established the International Olympic
Truce Foundation and the International Olympic Truce Centre. The Centre
has locations in Lausanne, Athens and Olympia (International Olympic
Truce Centre, n.d.). Through the Centre and the Foundation, the IOC
aims to:
In 2001, United Nations resolutions related to the modern notion of
the Olympic Truce were endorsed by member nations. According to Secretary
General Kofi Anan, “This calls for warring parties to lay down
their arms while athletes from the entire community of nations meet
under the noble flame of the Olympic torch” (United Nations, 2001,
p. 1). Living without war would certainly be seen as a basic human right
and in this way, the spirit of Olympism can be tied directly to preserving
human rights. It is hoped that as the competing athletes can gather
in peace, so too can the nations of the world.
As the Olympic Charter states, sport should be practiced without discrimination,
and this would include discrimination based on sex. In 2004, the International
Olympic Committee established the Women in Sport Commission. According
to the International Olympic Committee (2006c, Mission section), “As
a leader of the Olympic Movement, whose first objective is to promote
Olympism and develop sport worldwide, the IOC has constantly played
a complementary role to set up a positive trend to enhance women’s
participation in sport at all levels, and especially in the last decades”.
The programme and activities of this Commission include promotion of
women and sport in the Olympic Games, promotion of women sport leaders,
support activities and advocacy and information (International Olympic
Committee, 2006b).
The ideals of Olympism can also link the Paralympic Movement and the
Olympic Movement (Landry, 1995; Wolff, 2005). According to Wolff (2005,
p. 4), “Given the emerging global understanding of the rights
of persons with disabilities, Olympism and the Olympic Movement have
a unique opportunity to lead the way towards the inclusion of persons
with disabilities in all areas of life, particularly the Olympic arena.”
The mission of the International Paralympic Committee contains the following
phrase “To promote Paralympic sport without discrimination for
political, religious, economic, disability, gender, sexual orientation
or race reasons” (International Paralympic Committee, 2006, Vision
and Mission section). In addition, in 2004 the International Paralympic
Committee released its Position Statement of the IPC on Human Rights.
This contains the following statement, “The IPC believes all individuals
should enjoy access and opportunities for leisure, recreation, and sporting
activities and such rights be granted and guarded by the legal and administrative
systems by the responsible governments and communities” (International
Paralympic Committee, 2004, p. 1). These statements are consistent with
the notion of Olympism stated earlier in this article and illustrate
how fundamental tenets of the Paralympic Movement reflect Olympism.
Athletes Promoting Olympism and Human Rights
In addition to examining the role of sport organizers and sport organizations
in promoting human rights through Olympism, it is important to examine
the contributions of athletes in promoting Olympism and human rights.
Oftentimes, athletes can be the catalysts and voices bringing attention
to human rights concerns and issues. Athletes are visible and the message
of an athlete can have an important impact towards influencing social
change (Wolff & Hums, 2006). Although athletes can be powerful change
agents, athletes face pressures to conform and to not challenge the
status quo. Athletes promoting Olympism and human rights uphold these
values on and off the field, living Olympism as a philosophy of life.
Olympic sprinters John Carlos and Tommie Smith of the United States
were early pioneers in the role of athletes to promote Olympism and
human rights. Through the Olympic Project for Human Rights, these athletes
symbolically protested discrimination and segregation of the black athlete.
Norwegian Olympic speed skater Johann Olav Koss may be one of the most
visible athlete ambassadors of human rights, founding Olympic Aid, now
known as Right to Play, calling attention to the rights of children
around the world to engage in sport and play activities and opportunities.
Koss has emerged as one of the leading voices articulating the right
to sport and play for all the youth of the world.
Olympians like United States rower Anita DeFrantz, whose efforts as
Chair of the IOC Women in Sport Commission, promote equality of women
in sport, and Canadian runner Bruce Kidd who worked to end apartheid
in sport, connect Olympism to the promotion of human rights. These athletes
have paved the way for current Olympians, like Paralympic Marathon and
Athletics medalist Cheri Blauwet. to address the rights of persons with
disabilities in sport, and Olympic speed skater Nathaniel Mills to articulate
the importance of peace, humanity and universalism. The emergence of
athlete human rights activists indicates the recognition by athletes
of their positive role to promote human rights for all.
Conclusion
As these examples clearly illustrate, Olympism is an important framework
for considering and promoting human rights. More than ideology, Olympism
can become a practical and useful agent for social change in sport.
Olympism can be useful within and beyond the Olympic Movement and has
the potential to also be applicable in many aspects of life beyond sport.
Examining Olympism and human rights will continue into the future, for
as Cahill stated, “Therefore, whilst Olympism has achieved a degree
of success for its human rights ideals, more attention will be required
in the 21st century to the rights of humans – as athletes, as
spectators, and as communities…” (Cahill, 1999, p. 3). Thus,
the spirit of Olympism will continue to manifest itself in the form
of actions to promote human rights.
References
Bhuvanendra, T.A. (December 1998- January 1999).
Human rights in the realm of sport. Olympic Review, 26, 15-35.
Cahill, J. (1999). The ideals of Olympism. Proceedings
of the Symposium on Sport and Human Rights, Sydney, Australia.
International Olympic Academy. (2006). International
Olympic Academy. Athens, Greece: Author.
International Olympic Committee. (2004). Olympic
charter. Lausanne, Switzerland: Author.
International Olympic Committee. (2006a). Olympic
Truce – History. Retrieved 4 August 2006 from http://www.olympic.org/uk/organisation/missions/truce/truce_uk.asp.
International Olympic Committee. (2006b). Programme
and activities. Retrieved on 4 August 2006 from http://www.olympic.org/uk/organisation/missions/
women/activities/index_uk.asp.
International Olympic Committee. (2006c). Promotion
of women in sport. Retrieved on 5 August 2006 from http://www.olympic.org/uk/organisation/missions/
women/index_uk.asp.
International Olympic Truce Centre. (n.d.). The
Foundation and the Centre. Retrieved 5 August 2006 from http://www.olympictruce.org/html/centrpt1.html
International Paralympic Committee. (2004). Position
statement of the IPC on human rights. Retrieved 4 August 2006 from
http://www.paralympic.org/release/ Main_Sections_Menu/News/Paralympic_News/Days/IPC_Position_Statement_HR.pdf.
International Paralympic Committee. (2006). Vision
and mission. Retrieved 4 August 2006 from http://www.paralympic.org/release/Main_Sections_Menu/
IPC/About_the_IPC/Vision_and_Mission/.
Kidd, B., & Donnelly, P. (2000). Human rights
in sports. International Review for the Sociology of Sport, 35(2),
131–148.
Landy, F. (1995). Paralympic Games and social integration.
In M. de Morgas Sta & M. Botella (Eds.). The keys of success:
The social, sporting, economic, and communications impact of Barcelona
’92. Bellaterra: Servei de Publicacions de la Universitat Automona
de Barcelona.
Lapchick, R. (1975). The politics of race and
international sport: The case of South Africa. Greenwood Press.
Martinkova, I. (2006, July). The ethics of human performance. Address
given at the
International Olympic Academy 7th International Session for Educators
and
Officials of Higher Institutes of Physical Education, Olympia, Greece.
McArdle, D., & Giulianotti, R. (2003). Sport
and human rights in the global society. London: Routledge.
United Nations. (1948). Universal declaration
of human rights. New York, NY: Author.
United Nations. (2001, July 5). Secretary General
says Olympic Truce can offer window of time to open dialogue and pause
to relieve suffering. Retrieved 5 August 2006 from http://www.un.org/news/Press/docs/2001/sgsm7797.doc.htm.
Wolff, E.A. (2005). Olympians with disabilities
and the 2004 Athens Games: Triumphs,
challenges, and future opportunities. Athens, Greece: International Olympic Academy. Wolff, E.A., & Hums, M.A. (2006). Sport and human
rights. The Chronicle of Kinesiology & Physical Education in Higher
Education, 17(2), 3-4. Contact:
Dr. Mary A. Hums University of Louisville USA Mhums@louisville.edu Eli A. Wolff Northeastern University Center for the Study of Sport in Society Boston USA e.wolff@neu.edu |
"The promotion of human rights throughout sport continues to be
highly relevant in all corners of the world. Although we have made and
continue to make progress towards a peaceful society, we must further
our efforts to push the envelope and advocate for the rights of every
citizen." Dr. Richard Lapchick
Director, DeVos Sports Business Management Program, University of Central Florida |
Introduction
In 1975, the picture in regard to sports rights
and equity for women in the USA seemed to be altering for the better.
This was the year our federal education program equity steps began to
be enacted. Three years earlier, when the landmark Title IX law was actually
passed, I had been named to the Executive Board of the group that oversaw
the World University Games program in the United States. In the summer
of 1975, I attended the World University Games event (a track meet) in
Rome, Italy. In the hustle and bustle accompanying the pre-event preparation
of a national team for an international event, by default I was assigned
to be the “USA Representative to the General Assembly” (governing
body of World University Games, FISU). I don’t remember any other
women being there in a room of about 100 other country representatives.
Having been a national level participant in softball and leader in national
college level sports in the USA, I was keenly aware of the frequent
(virtually universal) phenomenon of women’s sport being overseen
by men. It seemed to me, rooted as I was in a context of civil rights
advocacy for women in sport, that FISU policy and practice was grossly
unfair towards women, cutting itself off from the resources of highly
qualified women in roles of coach, athletic trainer, team doctor, chef
de mission, national representative, game official and others. Thus,
although I was quite sure my male colleagues expected me to go to the
General Assembly and sit quietly, I was unable to allow this opportunity
pass. As the meeting drew to a close, President Primo Nebiolo scanned
the Assembly with a final call for “any further business”
and I raised my hand. I walked to the microphone and delivered a two-minute
pitch for increasing the role of women in the FISU movement. The audience
sat in stunned silence and President Nebiolo was livid. As I sat down,
he made a comment in Italian to the group (I was told later it was simply
“unflattering to women”) and sadly he took out his fury
on my male compatriots whom he accused of high stupidity for allowing
such a woman in a public role.
It was a classic vignette of the times 30 years
ago, but it does illustrate a crucial observation in regard to “human
rights.” I felt the FISU movement was “flawed” in that
many barriers blocked women from leadership and the result was injustice.
Dr. Nebiolo, the Founder of FISU (now deceased) felt I had violated his
human rights in that I had introduced “politics” into the
world he had created; a world he thought should be free of the “profane
political issues” that divide people. How could the two of us view
our human rights so differently? While the “ideal,” or the
theory, of certain “inalienable human rights” is a universal
(etic phenomenon in linguistics), the concrete enactment of our rights
is highly time and culture bound (emic). Only in the context of international
treaty bodies creating instruments, then ratified by hundreds of countries
with built-in self and other monitoring and reporting systems, do we actually
begin to see “universal” human rights emerge. The history
of the past six decades in the United Nations’ (UN) system gives
evidence of a continual expansion, differentiation and increasing specificity
of attention to the role of physical recreation and leisure in human development
as a human right. Consistently, the benefits to be derived from such lifespan
physical activity were initially conceived to be neither
necessary nor valuable for women, young girls, older women, or those with
disabilities.
Within the United Nations system, Schuler (1995) notes a strong international
consensus has evolved and expanded to cover a “growing field of
vital concerns and threats to human dignity” (p.2). With the texts
and activities advanced through the UN Year of Sport and Physical Education
in 2005 and the Secretary General’s Task Force on Sport for Development
and Peace, sport can be said to be a new focal human right. The question
remains - in what sense is access to sport/physical recreation and its
benefits universal and in what sense is it “privileged?”
The dynamic character of human rights concepts must be recognized based
on a combination of factors such as evolving definitions of human rights,
emerging forms of human relationships, new political forces and technological
changes (Schuler, 1995). Feminist scholars and activists (men and women
alike) have coined phrases such as “engendering human rights”
in order to raise awareness and stimulate action towards three goals:
While these words were intended to describe the general context of women’s
rights as human rights, there are innumerable examples of their exemplification
in the sport area.
The ensuing text explores three themes: (a) a brief description of the
basis of “play/sport as a human right” within UN treaties
and conventions; (b) the Olympic Movement as an NGO (non-governmental
organization) actor within human rights systems; and (c) evidence suggesting
“sport as a universal human right” is part illusion for
women.
Play/Sport as a Basic Human Right
The trajectory of expansion and elaboration of human rights in sport/physical
activity is continual as the various task forces and committees of the
UN system have generally met annually in attempts to perfect attainment
of the broad goals of the treaties and conventions. Focal points along
the path can be identified from 1948 (when the process began) to the
1978/79 conventions, to the decade of special action on women’s
issues 1995-2005 and the 2005/06 period in which the spotlight falls
dramatically upon sport.
In 1948, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was adopted by the
UN General Assembly, setting out a framework of rights and duties in
the broadest dimensions. Article 1 characterizes all individuals as
born free and equal in dignity and rights. The second article describes
the entitlements holding without discrimination of many types, including
sex. Article 24 calls for the right to rest and leisure to all, while
Article 27 enumerates the right to participate in the cultural life
of the community (Koenig, 2000).
Three documents prepared in 1978/79 served to particularize the rights
accruing from those identified previously as universal. UN bodies issued
“The Convention of the Rights of the Child” and “The
Convention on Elimination of Discrimination Against Women” (CEDAW)
(Koenig, 2000). Children (ostensibly boys and girls alike), were to
be granted an education “to prepare for an active adult life…”
(p. 70). Children were also granted access to leisure, recreation and
cultural activities (Koenig, 2000).
Within the CEDAW framework, two statutes directly mention physical activity
and one of the more general statues can be seen as relevant to the discussion.
Part III, Article 10 guarantees education equality between men and women
including the same opportunities to participate actively in sports and
physical education (United Nations Division for the Advancement of Women,
2006). Article 13 identifies the right to participate in recreational
activities, sports and all aspects of cultural life. Article 10 contains
language calling for the elimination of stereotypical roles of men and
women at all levels and in all forms of education. Denial of women’s
access to sport/physical activity has been related to stereotypical
views of the needs and interests of men and women (International Working
Group on Women in Sport, n.d.).
The 1978 Charter on Physical Education and Sport came from the United
Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO).
The framers enshrined the notion that the exercise of human rights is
predicated on the freedom to develop and preserve one’s physical,
intellectual and moral powers and that access to physical education
and sport should be guaranteed for all (UNESCO, 1978).
In the period 1995-2005, documents emanating from the 4th World Conference
on Women held in Beijing (referred to as the Platform for Action or
PFA) and the Beijing+5 Outcomes Document took center stage. As Koenig
(2000) states, “The Beijing Platform for Action, prepared and
approved by delegates of all governments present at the Conference,
is the most complete document produced by the UN relating to women’s
rights” (p. 9). Although direct and indirect references to sport/physical
activity benefits are scattered throughout the 12 areas of concern addressed
in the Platform for Action and Beijing+5 Outcomes, in the interest of
brevity, I only mention the three direct application statements in the
PFA:
By 2004, the UN Inter-agency Task Force on Sport for Development and
Peace had been created and illustrated the mainstreaming of girls and
women’s concerns in a general initiative. A key concern of the
Task Force has been the facilitation of the Millennium Development Goals
11 (MDG) of the UN. All of the MDGs impact girls and women and two (maternal
health and the empowerment of women) address concerns directly. Sport
and physical activity will increasingly be utilized as vehicles for
the attainment of MDGs in diverse ways including the following: incorporation
of sport in comprehensive development planning; establishment of partnerships
within the UN, IOC, sport sector, NGOs and the corporate world; encouragement
of the media to actively promote sport for development (UNICEF, n.d.).
The Olympic Movement as an NGO Actor
The identification of sport as an important tool in the civil society
search for development and peace must not be seen as a cosmic accident.
Sport scholars have, for decades, been producing an important body of
evidence for the benefits of life-long participation in sport/physical
activity. Many have, individually and collectively, taken “evidence-based
advocacy” to the keepers of the Olympic flame as well as policy
makers in governments around the world (Oglesby, 2002). The IOC describes
itself now as an international NGO in a time when the non-governmental
and corporate sectors have become crucial in the effort for an equitable
and peaceful world (Bonbright, 2004; Karajkov, 2006).
The IOC posits itself as a “family”, encompassing in its
two arms virtually the family of (hu)man. The more familiar arm, the
Olympic Games organizational structures, includes the IOC, the International
Federations, the National Olympic Committees, the Organizing Committees
of each game manifestation, athlete coaches, judges, associations and
clubs out of which athletes develop (International Olympic Committee,
n.d.). The other arm of the Olympic Movement is Olympism; a less formal
use of the various structures to promulgate an overarching philosophy
of sport for all. The texts regarding Olympism are perhaps familiar
to us: “Olympism is a philosophy of life exalting and combining
in a balance whole the qualities of body, mind and will; Olympism places
sport at the service of harmonious development including knowledge,
competitive spirit, excellence, fair play” (International Olympic
Committee, 2004). As we have seen, the admonition of Olympism that the
practice of sport is a human right to which all must have the possibility
of access, is not new. What is relatively new, however, is the intentional
collaboration of the Olympic Movement with the UN, UNESCO and WHO to
bring sport to the service of real, concrete development through sport
as a tool for local, community, economic development projects, HIV/AIDS
education, humanitarian assistance and more (International Olympic Committee,
2006).
The 2004, 10th World Sport for All Congress, an activity of the Sport
for All Commission of the IOC, concluded with a declaration enumerating
the most important considerations when viewing the benefits of sport
for all. These were categorized in areas of health, social and economic
benefits and touched on matters such as increased sense of well-being
and identity; social skill development; social cohesion; and preventive
protection for a variety of diseases of chronic inactivity with a resultant
benefit of better quality of life and reduced societal health care costs.
Perhaps Secretary General Kofi Annan expressed the recognition of the
power of sport as a development tool best:
“Beyond physical well-being, sport can play
an important role for a safer, more prosperous and peaceful society, through
its educational values and worldwide network…sport can help bridge
cultural and ethnic divides, create jobs and businesses, promote tolerance
and non-discrimination, reinforce social integration and advocate healthy
lifestyles” (International Olympic Committee, 2006).
In a world where sport is tasked to accomplish all of that, access
to its benefits must absolutely be a full and complete right.
Sport for Women: A Universal Right or Illusion?
Before any human rights violation can be challenged
and eradicated, it must be recognized. It is well beyond the scope of
this paper to document the illusory aspects of a concept such as the universal
right of girls and women to sport. This conscious-raising and documenting
task has been carried out through the four world conferences on women
and sport of The International Working Group (web site = www.iwg-gti.org/e/index.htm),
actions of international organizations such as Women Sport International
(web site = www.womensportinternational.org) and national organizations
such as the Women’s Sports Foundation of the USA (web site = www.womenssportfoundation.org).
The Brighten Declaration, serving as a veritable declaration of human
rights for women in sport, has now been ratified by 280 organizations
in over 100 countries. However, two prime examples of past, and continuing,
human rights violations structurally affecting the universal right of
girls and women to sport are (a) the low levels of women in sport leadership
and (b) sexual harassment in sport.
Women in Leadership in the Olympic Movement
The IOC has accepted/recognized the rhetoric and data coming from its
own Working Group on Women (now a Commission) and the aforementioned
groups insisting that women’s sport experience is neither full
nor complete if it ends at participant levels. Prior to the mid-1990s,
it was the rare woman who was an IOC member (Princess Ann of Great Britain).
To its credit, the IOC set goals for its constituent bodies in regard
to women’s leadership participation. An extensive study by the
Institute of Sport and Leisure Policy at Loughborough University, UK
has produced an extensive data set of which the following table is the
barest beginning.
Women in Sport Leadership – Olympic Movement
Dec. 2004
NOC Continental Associations’ Board Membership
A study of the barriers that account for such data (and reams of other
data that have been compiled internationally and country by country)
as well as of the suggested means of overcoming difficulties, form the
way ahead. It is heartening to see small, but positive, steps and commitments
being made to move more rapidly.
Violations through Sexual Harassment in Sport
Within the realm of sport, sexual harassment was seldom spoken of, and
certainly never researched, until the past 15 years. Pioneers such as
Brackenridge, Leahy, Kirby and Greaves, Fasting and Sundgot-Borgen have
lead the way in shining a light on this topic of concern. Their research,
only touched on in this paper, carefully documents that (a) sexual harassment
in sport exists; (b) both women and men are harassed; (c) women are
harassed significantly more often; and (d) harassers are most often
(though not always) men. Data from studies in Canada, Australia, United
States and Norway indicate between 22% and 45% of women sport participants
experience sexual harassment.
The researchers are careful to point out potential flaws in their own
research due to factors such as variation in definitional understanding
of concepts, sampling problems, ethics and consent difficulties, underreporting/non
responses and other factors. (Brackenridge, 2001; Fasting, Brackenridge,
& Sundgot-Borgen, 2003). The purpose of noting these excerpts from
major works (even with some flaws) is to indicate the importance of
our commitment, within a human rights framework, to take note of the
need to safeguard women and children through clearer definitions of
harassment, abuse, appropriate and inappropriate behaviors within the
sport context.
The paths for women and men towards human rights in sport have been
presented here as the same when seen in broad, theoretical strokes,
and delayed for women as we look at the timelines for the appearance
of national/international level policy related to the rights of women.
The divergences appear when we take the lens of the microscope to the
level of on-the-ground programs. The creativity and persistence of sport
scholars, activists, teachers, coaches and interested volunteers is
challenged when they attempt to create action programs that overcome
economic, tradition and culture barriers and attract girls and women
to a sphere only recently opened to them.
But we are on the path.
References
Abaka, C. (1999). Framework for a human rights approach
to women’s health: the work of the CEDAW Committee. Retrieved 10
September 2006 from www.un.org/womenwatch/DAW/CSW/rights.htm
Brachenridge, (2001). Spoilsports: Understanding
and preventing sexual exploitation in sport. London: Rutledge.
Bonbright, D. (2004). A justice oriented global civic
society intrastructure: Vision or Illusion. Civicus. Retrieved
19 September 2006 from www.civicus.org.
Fasting, I., Brackenridge, C., & Sundgot-Borgen,
J. (2003). Experiences of sexual harassment and abuse among Norwegian
elite female athletes and non-athletes. Research Quarterly for Exercise
and Sport 74, (1), 74-97.
International Olympic Committee. (n.d.). Olympic Movement.
Retrieved 10 September 2006 from http://www.olympic.org/uk/organisation/movement/index_uk.asp.
International Olympic Committee. (2004). The Olympic
Charter. Lausaunne, Switzerland: Author.
International Olympic Committee. (2006, January 24).
News about development through sport. Retrieved from http://www.olympic.org/uk/organisation/missions/
humanitarian/full_story_uk.asp?id=1610.
International Working Group on Women and Sport. (n.d.).
Brighton Declaration. Retrieved 10 September 2006 from www.iwg-gti.org
Brighton Declaration.
Karajkov, R. (2006). NGO’s: Who else will do
the work. Retrieved 10 September 2006 from www.worldpress.org/europe/2415.cfm.
Koenig, S. (2000). A human rights resource packet,
New York, NY: Peoples Decade for Human Rights Education.
Oglesby, C. (2002). Evidence-based advocacy and women in sport/physical
activity. Paper
delivered at Div. 47 award lecture, Annual Convention of America Psychological
Association.
UNESCO. (1978). International charter of physical education and sport.
Paris, France:
Author.
UNICEF. (n.d.). UNICEF. Girls' education campaigns.
Retrieved 9 September 2006 from http://www.unicef.org/girlseducation/campaign_sport_education_girls.html.
United Nations (2004). Sport for development and
peace: towards achieving the Millennium Development Goals. Geneva,
Switzerland: United Nations Inter-agency Task Force on Sport for Development
and Peace.
United Nations Division for the Advancement of Women.
(2006). Convention on the elimination of all forms of discrimination against
women. Retrieved 8 September 2006 from http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/cedaw/.
Contact: Dr. Carole Oglesby WomenSport International (WSI) California State University USA carole.oglesby@csun.edu |
Abstract
The article will examine the role sport has played in the struggle
to secure equality of opportunity and human rights for the underclass
in the context of political significance, social order and cultural
protest. The author will discuss the social lineage and the limitations
of ethnic and racial confrontation through sport to promote human rights.
The writer makes the case that an examination of identity, culture and
popular culture must be taken into account when looking at sport and
the promotion of human rights.
Introduction
A discourse on the politics of race and sport in the promotion of human
rights is essential. A conceptual framework to explore the significance
of the politics of race and competitive sport in the promotion of human
rights is evident in the remarks made by filmmaker Spike Lee. Spike
Lee states…
You’re black, you’re a young male, and all you’re
supposed to do is
deal drugs and mug women. The only reason why you’re here is
because you can make their team win. If their teams win, these
schools get a lot of money. This whole thing is revolving around
money. (Film-maker Spike Lee, in Joravsky 1995, p. 219) The race issues in society are the framework for this article. The
realities of racism and discrimination in the United States are well
documented. Thus, the race problems in the United States at large cannot
be ignored in an analysis of sport in connection to human rights issues.
The forecast for resolving the race dilemma of the United States, particularly
discrimination against African-Americans, is bleak. Examples of racism
are present across the country. Consider the video-taped police beatings
in 1992 of Rodney King in Los Angeles or Robert Davis, a retired teacher
injured during a videotaped beating by New Orleans police in the aftermath
of Katrina. Video-taped examples of police officers using excessive
force beating African-Americans reveal the realities of existing discrimination.
Such incidents create awareness of police misconduct and the prevalence
of racism in United States society. These events, although not sport
related, reflect the social conditions and political climate in the
United States.
The people of the United States could not overlook the racial undertones
unmistakable in the recent weather catastrophes, which occurred in the
country’s South. Because of racism and the devaluation of African-American
lives, hundreds of people drowned and starved in New Orleans in the
aftermath of hurricane Katrina (Daley, 2006, p.1; Giroux, 2006, p. 1;
Ignatieff, 2005, p.1-4). Sensitive viewers of the Katrina catastrophes
did not miss the language used to describe the victims of the storm
as refugees, thus liking their displacement as comparable to that of
foreigners immigrating to the United States. And, for the overwhelmingly
African-American Katrina “refugees” or displaced victims
who were huddled in the Houston Astrodome on September 5th, former first
lady, Barbara Bush said of them in a radio interview that “…so
many of the people in the arena here, you know, were underprivileged
anyway, so this (she chuckles) is working very well for them”
(Clark, 2005, p.1; The New York Times, 2005, p.A22). One can only wonder
how anyone, regardless of their social-economic status, could feel such
conditions were working very well for them when they are without homes,
jobs, family and friends, and were without the basic necessities for
days.
Just weeks following Mrs. Bush’s unsympathetic remarks, former
Drug Czar and former education secretary William Bennett told a caller
to his syndicated radio talk show: "If you wanted to reduce crime,
you could -- if that were your sole purpose -- you could abort every
black baby in this country and your crime rate would go down…That
would be an impossibly ridiculous and morally reprehensible thing to
do, but your crime rate would go down" (Gentry, 2005, p.1). These
examples reflect the hypocrisy and cruelty permeating the daily lives
of African-Americans. The Bush and Bennett examples represent perspectives
grounded in an historical and philosophical point of view, suggesting
that African-Americans are lazy and deserve the conditions they find
themselves in, just as rich people are virtuous and are rewarded by
God for their hard work.
In the language of Lyndon Johnson, Bush ascribed the violence and desperation
seen in New Orleans in the days after Hurricane Katrina to “deep,
persistent poverty in this region. . . . That poverty has roots in a
history of racial discrimination, which cut off generations from the
opportunity of America.” The president then issued a call to the
nation: “We have a duty to confront this poverty with bold action.
. . . Let us rise above the legacy of inequality” (Avlon, 2005,
p2).
Indeed, society in the United States has a rich and long history of
racial injustices. At an earlier time, a system of legalized segregation
subjected African-Americans to educational, social, political and economic
injustices. Racism is responsible for the evolution of an organized
system of practices and policies intended to create racial inequality.
In this context, two historical periods were constructed, the Old and
New American dilemma (Jones, 1998).
The Old American dilemma (i.e. before the 1960s Civil Rights era) was
characterized by moral agitation and apprehension over the struggle
of right versus wrong. This was a time of blatant racial segregation
and denial of basic civil and human rights as human-kind willfully cultivated
and institutionalized human rights violations as a legitimate construct
of society. The New American dilemma (i.e. late 1960s to present day)
is symbolized by a moral conflict between right versus wrong and race-neutral
and race-conscious social policies (Jones, 1998). This era has witnessed
a context in which human rights were secured as a result of legislation
and judicial decision. There exists today a sense of moral uncertainty
as to whether there is a genuine societal commitment to racial and human
rights equality.
The Role Sport Plays to Secure Equality of Opportunity and Human Rights
Social science of sport scholars has traditionally avoided using critical race theory to analyze social justice and racial equality issues in sport. Sport social scientists have, for the most part, avoided asking tough fundamental questions involving elite sports and their role in the promotion of human rights. Does participation in certain competitive sports (i.e. basketball, football and track and field) put some racial group members (particularly, the Black athlete) at risk academically? Are Black athletes intentionally socialized to focus more on sport rather than the pursuit of other life opportunities in order to keep them in their place? Are Black athletes systematically subjected to institutional, economic and commercial exploitation? Do athletes of color have basic economic, social and cultural opportunities to access sports such as tennis, golf, skating, gymnastics, lacrosse, soccer, ice hockey and swimming? Does participation in elite National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) Division I intercollegiate basketball and American style football warrant athletic compensation to athletes beyond the current traditional scholarship awards and payments for tuition and housing? Does intensive sport training qualify as physical abuse and is the training conducted at the expense of the overall health and well-being of the athlete? In comparison to athletes in other environments, are African-American basketball and American style football athletes more frequently subjected to extreme levels of physical and mental abuse? Should promising high school African-American basketball or American style football players be hustled by companies who want to put them under contract or traded between teams for thousands of dollars without being properly informed and consulted? Although Black athletes dominate the sports of basketball and American style football, why are they less visible in board rooms and front offices of sporting institutions at all levels of sport?
These questions about human rights have become increasingly controversial.
Like most topics requiring candor, respect and tolerance, the subject
of human rights as it relates to sport has not been openly debated and
researched. Many questions are off-limits and swept under the rug, while
others are being gently addressed and given polite attention. Sports
authorities both private and public have avoided the debate concerning
the rights-based dimensions of race and sports in the promotion of human
rights.
Charles Farrell, Director, Rainbow Coalition for Fairness in Athletics,
says:
Athletics is to the Black community what technology is to the
Japanese and what oil is to the Arabs. We’re allowing that
commodity to be exploited… We really need to turn it
around… if those schools cannot do for us what we need done i.e.
provide an education for the next generation, and then we should
be looking to steer clear of those institutions (Harris & Curry,
1997,
p.311-319).
Respecting human rights is not an option for sport authorities, it
should be an obligation. But what exactly is meant by the expression
“human rights?” In the context of this article, the definition
of human rights is taken from the Human Rights Resource Center (Doise,
2003, p. 1-2):
Human Rights are those basic standards without which people
cannot live in dignity. To violate someone’s human rights is to
treat that person as though she or he were not a human being.
Human Rights allows for certain standards of life or treatment
which are believed to belong to every person and individual? It
is the right to life, freedom and human dignity?
Because sport mirrors society, sport is not free from discrimination.
Sport has universal human rights value and is a social movement striving
to contribute to the development of a peaceful and better world. Society
expects many important and worthwhile things from sport and uses sport
to support various fundamental human rights, social values and ethical
principles such as equality for all people, fair play, respect for the
loser, friendship, solidarity, justice and democracy, international
peace and understanding. In contrast, sport also values elitism, nationalism,
gender equality and the scientific manufacture of winners.
George Sage makes the point that:
Sport in modern societies is one of the means by which nation-states
socialize their citizens, transmitting the symbolic codes of the dominant
culture and inducing citizens toward conformity to beliefs and values
that prevail in the wider society. At the same time, sport is one of
the most salient moulders of national collective ------identity (Sage,
1998, p.116).
Michael Jordan, for example, appeals to many corporate sponsors because
of his family oriented, wholesome, all-American image and he is the
antithesis of the stereotypical threatening Black masculinity so often
represented by the media. For many African-Americans there is a need
to disown any obvious manifestation of, or reference to, one’s
Blackness as a strategy for obtaining acceptance as opposed to alienating
“mainstream America”. In the United States, culture and
industries have promoted certain images of Blackness, African-Americans
and people of color in general. Hoberman (1997) writes that for the
Black athlete, it is commonly understood that if you’re going
to be a genuine sports hero in this country, a Babe Ruth, DiMaggio or
Palmer, you have to keep your political views to yourself. Arthur Ashe
shrewdly noted, “Advertisers want somebody who’s politically
neutered” (Hoberman, 1997, p. 31-32). Race and Human Rights: The Political and Symbolic Power of Sports
The need for sports to promote human rights is exemplified by the racial,
ethnic and international overtones prevalent in the Olympic Games and
many other national and international sporting events. For example,
in 1938 the Louis-Schmeling boxing fight was connected to racial and
political human rights issues. Hitler preached about the racial superiority
of Aryans and conveniently portrayed Schmeling as a symbol of that superiority.
Just weeks before the Louis and Schmeling rematch, Joe Louis visited
President Franklin Delano Roosevelt at the White House and The New York
Times quoted Roosevelt as telling the fighter, “Joe, we need muscles
like yours to beat Germany” (Cassidy, 2005, p.5). In his 1976
biography, Louis wrote, “I knew I had to get Schmeling good. I
had my own personal reasons and the whole damned country was depending
on me” (Cassidy, 2005, p.5). Similarly, Jack Johnson who was musical,
well-read and literate in five languages and a protagonist of Black
civil rights also challenged the status quo. Muhammad Ali became a Muslim
and refused induction into the army. As a result, his fights and licenses
were cancelled and in 1967 he was sentenced to imprisonment and stripped
of his titles. Ali did not politicize boxing but drew attention to Black
oppression and was outspoken about his views on Vietnam. Fortunately,
in 1970 the Supreme Court was unanimous in setting aside Ali’s
conviction.
Sport does mirror and reflect our moral conscious. The 30 nation boycott
of the Montreal Olympic Games in 1976, the 61 nation stay-away from
Moscow in 1980 and the victory stand demonstrations at the 1968 (Mexico
City) and 1972 (Munich) Olympic Games reflect on the social and human
rights abuses often felt by African-Americans and the Jewish people.
The politics of race and sport in the promotion of human rights is epitomized
by the terrorism and killing that took place in Munich in 1972, by the
50 Hungarians who sought refuge during the 1956 Olympic Games, the anti-soviet
riots in Czechoslovakia in 1969, South Africa’s apartheid policy
and the 1970 “Soccer War” between Honduras and El Salvador.
Sport and human rights have always been interconnected, particularly
where society’s reputation or national pride were at stake (Corbett,
1999). The Nazis, for example, were quite outspokenly anti-internationalist
and racist in the 1930s, particularly toward Jewish people and Negroes.
On the occasion of the 1932 Olympics, the official Nazi newspaper Volkischer
Beobachter (1932) editorialized:
Negroes have no business at the Olympics. Today we witness that free
white men have to compete with the unfree Negro. This is a debasement
of the Olympic idea beyond comparison... The next Olympics will be held
in Berlin in 1936. We hope that the responsible men know what will be
their duty. The blacks have to be expelled. We demand it (August 19,
1932)!
The Olympic Committee on Human Rights (OCHR) played an active role
in the 1968 Mexico City Olympic Games and the now famous Black athlete
protest and attempted boycott. At the 1968 Olympic Games, Black athletes
wore black arm bands, black gloves, a black scarf around the neck and
knee-length black socks to protest the injustice to Blacks in the United
States. Tommy Smith, in explaining the symbolism of his and John Carlos’s
action, stated that:
I wore a black right-hand glove and Carlos wore the left-hand glove
of the same pair. My raised right hand stood for the power in Black
America. Carlos’ left hand stood for the unity of Black America.
Together, they formed an arc of unity and power. The black scarf around
my neck stood for Black pride. The black socks with no shoes stood for
black poverty in racist America. The totality of our effort was the
beginning of Black dignity (Anderberg, 2004, 13:17; Olympic Project
for Human Rights, p. 1).
It was one of the 20th century’s most powerful and controversial
moments in sport and a watershed event in the civil rights movement.
Determined to use the grand stage of the Olympic Games as a platform
for protest, Smith and Carlos accepted their 200 meters track &
field gold and bronze medals in bare feet (to bring attention to the
poverty of the African-American community) wearing beads (in honor of
the countless blacks murdered as victims of slavery or racism) and holding
black-gloved fists in the air (the “Black Power” salute).
A storm of outrage hit Smith and Carlos immediately. The International
Olympic Committee forced the U.S. Olympic Committee to withdraw them
from the relays, banish them from the Olympic Village and expel them
from the U.S. Olympic team. Both men experienced heavy backlash upon
their return home.
Amid worldwide publicity about the events of the 1968 Olympic Games,
several items went unreported. First, the origins of and background
to the Smith-Carlos behavior were not publicized. Second, the man who
finished second to Tommy Smith, Australian Peter Norman, wore the badge
of the Olympic Committee for Human Rights throughout the ceremony.
The Intersection of Race, Ethnicity and Sport in the Promotion of Human Rights - A Cultural Protest Many ethnic, racial, political and human rights examples represent
the symbolic power of sport and serve as good indicators of the interconnection
and intersection between race, sport and human rights from both an international
and national stance (Eitzen & Sage, 1997). The examples that follow
exemplify the failure of the politics of race and sport to promote human
rights from an international perspective (Corbett, 1999, pp.169-170;
Eitzen & Sage, 1997, pp. 181,187):
Not unlike the international scene, there are numerous examples from
United States sport of how the politics of race and sport have not functioned
to promote the human rights of African-Americans. A few cases in point
are the following (Corbett, 1999, p. 170):
No one can examine past social, political, economic history and the
present plight of African-Americans in sport and in society and intelligently
deny that the record is far from perfect. The fundamental importance
of human rights and human dignity cannot be overrated. Sport can legitimately
play a powerful role in positively advancing the human rights of people
in ways that reach far beyond the sporting arena.
References Anderberg, K. (2004, August 28). More raised black
fists at Olympics ceremonies. Retrieved August 28, 2004, from http://www.portland.indymedia.org/
en/2004/08/295721.shtml
Avlon, J.P. (2005, September 23). Lyndon Baines Bush.
Retrieved September 27, 2005, from http://www.nysun.com/article/20499
Corbett, D.R. (1999). Ethics and moral behavior in sport: A human rights
issue. How
You Play the Game Conference Proceedings: The First International Conference
on sports and Human Rights. Sydney, Australia.
Cassidy, R. (2005, February 6). Ten-count for Max
Schmeling and Coley Wallace. The Sweet Science.com. Retrieved
August 28, 2006 from http://www.theseweetscience.com/boxing-article/662/
ten-count-max-schmeling-coley-wall
Clark, K. (2005, September 09). Republicans: In their
own words. WhitePrivilege.com. Retrieved August 11, 2006, from
http://www.whiteprivilege.com.
Daley, WR (2006, February 9). Public health response
to Hurricanes Katrina and Rita. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention
(CDC). MMWR. 55(2), 29-30
Doise, W. (2003, December 1). Human rights as social representations.
United
Kingdom: Routledge.
Eitzen, D.S., & Sage, G.H. (1997). Sociology
of North American sport. Madison, WI: Brown & Benchmark Publishers.
Gentry, P. (2005, September 30). Remarks on Blacks,
crime. Retrieved October 5, 2005, from http://www.bet.com
Giroux, H.A. (2006). Reading Hurricane Katrina: Race,
class, and the biopolitics of disposal college literature .Retrieved August
19, 2006, from http://muse.
jhu.edu/cgi-bin/access.cgi?uri=/journals/college_literature/ v033/33.3giroux.pdf
Harris, O., & Curry, T. (1997). The role of sport
in the Black community. The cultural significance of Jackie Robinson.
30, (4), 311-319.
Hoberman, J. (1997). Darwin’s athletes: How
sport has damaged Black America and preserved the myth of race.
Ignatieff, M. (2005, September 25). The broken contract. The New York
Times.com
Jones, J.M. (Winter, 1998). Psychological knowledge
and the new American dilemma of race. Journal of Social Issues, 54(
4), 641-662.
Olympic Project for Human Rights (2000, May 2). Olympic
Project for Human Rights. Retrieved August 15, 2006 from http://everything2.com/index.pl?
node_id=527620.
Sage, G. H. (1998). Power and ideology in American sport: A critical
perspective.
Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics.
The New York Times. (2005, September 7). Barbara Bush calls evacuees
better off,
A22.
Contact
Dr. Doris R.Corbett, Department of Health, Human Performance and Leisure Studies Howard University, Washington USA dcorbett@howard.edu |
At the beginning of August, more than 12,000 lesbian, gay, bisexual
and transgender (LGBT) athletes from 109 countries descended on Montreal
for the First World Outgames. The week-long event, organized by the
Gay & Lesbian International Sport Association (GLISA) emphasized
participation, inclusion and personal best at its 36 sporting events.
From July 26-29, 2006, just prior to the opening of the Outgames, GLISA
also hosted the world's largest human rights conference on LGBT issues
with more than 2000 participants of its own. As part of the event, the
Gay & Lesbian Athletics Foundation (GLAF) put together an "Out
in Sport" conference track with ten panel presentations on topics
ranging from transgender athletes to unique concerns for the LGBT sports
movement in developing countries.
The inclusion of the "Out in Sport" conference track is motivated
by the understanding that sport can be a powerful agent of social change.
Just as Jackie Robinson paved the road for social change by being the
first African American player in major league baseball, LGBT persons
today have the opportunity to change attitudes and breakdown stereotypes
through participation in sport.
Remarkably, despite these barriers, the First World Outgames included
representatives from 20 countries where homosexuality is still a crime.
Enormous progress has been seen in countries like Mexico and Brazil,
where LGBT sports leagues are rapidly growing and receiving positive
attention from mainstream media.
The "Out in Sport" conference is not just about surveying
the status quo but also about identifying means to move forward in the
fight against homophobia. One panel focused explicitly on effective
agents of social change, identifying the following as key success factors:
As an appropriate segue from the human rights conference into the Outgames,
tennis champion Martina Navratilova gave a keynote address at the closing
plenary session. In her own take on effective agents of social change,
she emphasized honesty and integrity, saying that the most powerful
statement one can make is to come out of the closet to friends, family
and coworkers. It is much harder to have intolerance toward a group
if one has a personal, rather than abstract, connection to that group.
Furthermore, she emphasized that as consumers, we speak with our dollars
and we should be deliberate about supporting businesses that support
the LGBT community.
Also introduced at the closing plenary session was the Declaration of
Montreal, a document that lays out the political agenda of the LGBT
community. Mirroring the major conference themes, the declaration is
organized into the categories of essential rights, global issues, the
diverse LGBT community, participation in society and creating social
change. The document is intended to serve as a foundation for the LGBT
equality movement and will likely be used as a benchmark for decades
to come. |
"To overcome conflict and misunderstanding, we need communication.
To communicate, we need a common language. Sport, more than any other
medium, provides a language through which any group from any culture
can find a common ground. It lights that spark within us all –
the thrill of competition, the camaraderie of a team, the nostalgia
of the game in years past. It reminds of what it is to be human, and
to simply – love life.
In addition, sport also empowers the individual. Billy Jean King once
said that "pressure is a privilege." Indeed, to rise up to
the identity of athlete, and to feel pressure, drive, and competitive
edge, empowers us to see ourselves as people who can achieve and who
have the opportunity to define our own path through this life. This
is especially true for people with a disability, who are still often
defined by their physical impairment. Sports turns this notion on it's
head and makes the individual, and those around him or her, understand
that ability lies in how you view yourself and how you choose to move
forward in the world. " Cheri Blauwet Medical Student, Stanford University Paralympic Gold Medalist, Two-time winner of the Boston Marathon |
Since its founding by French-speaking leaders from Canada and Belgium
in 1972, the International Federation of Adapted Physical Activity (IFAPA)
has perceived itself as a strong advocate for sport for persons of all
ages with disabilities. Adapted Physical Activity (APA), which includes
sport, physical education, rehabilitation and recreation, has developed
into a profession, a service delivery system and a rapidly growing body
of cross-disciplinary knowledge. Today, regional organizations function
in Asia, Europe, and the USA and are developing in Oceania, South America
and Africa, all of which have elected representatives on the IFAPA Board.
Many countries also have national organizations modeled after IFAPA (e.g.
Brazil, Austria, Thailand). IFAPA is a little known resource to many professionals.
It is hoped that this article will encourage interest in joint research
projects with other ICSSPE organizations and with various sport organizations.
IFAPA Definition of Adaptive Physical Activity (APA)
Definitions are socially constructed, meaning they change over time as
beliefs and attitudes change. Different definitions of APA have thus co-existed
since the 1950s. Following is the definition currently most often used
in international circles.
According to the By-Laws of the International Federation of Adapted Physical
Activity (IFAPA), a member of ICSSPE,
“Adapted physical activity is a cross disciplinary body of knowledge
directed toward the identification and solution of individual differences
in physical activity. It is a service-delivery profession and academic
field of study that supports an attitude of acceptance of individual differences,
advocates access to active lifestyles and sport, and promotes innovation
and cooperative service delivery programs and empowerment systems. Adapted
physical activity includes, but is not limited to, physical education,
sport, recreation, dance and creative arts, nutrition, medicine, and rehabilitation”
(IFAPA, 2004). The IFAPA definition includes several key words,
including some that are not well understood by many (Hutzler & Sherrill,
in press). Cross disciplinary refers to the body of scientific
and practical APA knowledge that applies scholarship in such areas as
lifespan physical activity, human rights and dignity and sport sciences
to disability, person-environment differences and contextual variables
(i.e. the WHO/ICF components) without regard for traditional disciplinary
boundaries. Service delivery (or provision of supports) is the
broad term for the job functions generalist and specialist professionals
perform in inclusive, partially inclusive and separate physical activity
settings in schools, communities and rehabilitation centers. Job functions
requiring adaptation or change competencies to meet the needs and
interests of all include planning (program or individual); assessment;
participation, preparation and paper work related to meetings; teaching,
coaching, counseling and training; evaluation (both formulative and cumulative);
consulting; and advocacy. Advocacy, once associated only with
law, broadly means action directed toward changing beliefs, attitudes,
intentions and behaviors in relation to such causes as accessibility,
inclusion and empowerment. APA’s unique contributions to quality
of life are guiding by its goal of combining everything there is to know
about disability, physical activity and variables that interact with each.
Empowerment, reflecting the relatively
new trend toward self-determination, choice and self-regulation as APA
goals (Reid, 2003) is emphasized in the IFAPA definition along with service
delivery. Empowerment is generally defined as a process through which
individuals gain control over their lives, a sense of power equitable
with others and a feeling of responsibility for self, others and the environment
(Sherrill, 2004). In particular, empowerment refers to participating in
the governance of any organization pertaining to disability, as captured
in the motto “Nothing about us without us” (Charlton, 1998).
Rehabilitative sports in medical settings and their outreach programs
have long been recognized as influential in empowerment (Daniels, 1954;
Guttmann, 1976; Hutzler, 1990; Stafford, 1939). According to Hutzler (1990,
p. 49), “The ideology of empowerment can be implemented in different
settings of disabled sports, either therapeutic, education, recreational,
or competitive.” Inclusion of the word empowerment in the
IFAPA definition is thus extremely important.
Omissions in the IFAPA Definition of APA
The IFAPA definition also has omissions. Because
it is one of the major pillars on which the profession is founded, concern
has been expressed that the concept of lifetime or lifespan does
not appear. This concern is especially important in countries that embrace
APA personnel preparation for and employment with all age groups in the
diverse areas of rehabilitation, recreation, sports and physical education
(DePotter et al., 2003).
Second, the IFAPA definition should perhaps also
indicate that APA is an umbrella term for job functions of professionals
in different settings (e.g. mainstream or inclusive, partially inclusive
and separate). Third, some persons believe that failure to define and
include relevant examples of adaptation in sport and movement environments
is a grave omission (Hutzler & Sherrill, in press). Today adaptation
is generally considered to be change strategies directed toward specific
variables or interacting variables in the sport or movement environment
to enable goal achievement as well as a good feeling about total-self-in-activity.
Contrary to old-time thinking, adaptation is not meant to change the entire
nature of an established sport but rather to change one or two variables,
as needed.
APA Beliefs Concerning Disability
Adapted Physical Activity (APA) or Adapted Physical Education (APE), as
a profession, believes all persons with disability, regardless of severity
of condition, should be provided sport, dance and aquatics experiences
throughout their lifespan. These experiences, when appropriate, should
be the same as those of others in the mainstream. When, however, a person
(with or without a labeled disability) needs help in achieving performance
or participation goals, then adaptation (change strategy) is applied to
one or more of the variables that may act as barriers to success (e.g.
rules, method of instruction, equipment, facilities, size of participating
group).
Traditionally, APA has been associated with disability (or individual
differences in the psychomotor domain), but this set of beliefs may unconsciously
support the
outdated assumption that disability comes from or
is in the individual. Today, APA service providers are changing their
old mindsets to believe that disability is a dynamic combination (or
flow) of person-environment interactions that interfere with performance
and participation. In this contemporary definition, environment
encompasses all variables interacting with persons of different sizes,
shapes and capacities (e.g. social, psychological, ecological, physical,
architectural) in various contexts (e.g. home, school, community and subcomponents
of each). APA, and its school-based component adapted physical education
(APE), thus strive to change the ways physical educators and ordinary
people think about disability. Fundamental to this goal is acceptance
that at least two approaches to defining disability comprise contemporary
philosophy.
The first approach comes from the international medical community and
is primarily for use in diagnosis, classification, treatment and insurance.
The second approach is prominent among persons who dislike labels and
subscribe to humanism (i.e. we are all human, we all fail, we all strive
for personal bests and we all need one another). Now that the WHO conceptualizes
disability as a conglomerate of person-environment interactions affecting
function, the two approaches can be held concurrently. Practice, however,
often lags behind theory, position statements of experts and research
evidence.
References Daniels, A. (1954). Adapted physical education.
New York: Harper & Row.
DePotter, J.C., Van Coppenolle, H., Djobova, S.,
Dobreva, I., Wijns, K., & Van Peteghem, A. (Eds.). (2003). Vocational
training in adapted physical activity. Leuven, Belgium: Thematic
European Network on Adapted Physical Activity (THENAPA).
Guttmann, L. (1976). Textbook of sport for the
handicapped. Aylesbury, England: HM & M.
Hutzler, Y. (1990). The concept of empowerment in
rehabilitative sports. In G. Doll- Tepper, C. Dahms, B. Doll, & H.v.Selzam
(Eds.). Adapted physical activity: An interdisciplinary approach.
Berlin: Springer-Verlag.
Hutzler, Y., & Sherrill, C. (in press). Defining adapted physical
activity: International
perspectives. Adapted Physical Activity Quarterly. Contact Dr. Claudine Sherrill International Federation of Adapted Physical Activity (IFAPA) USA Csherrill1@earthlink.net Dr. Yeshayahu Hutzler International Federation of Adapted Physical Activity (IFAPA) Israel Shayke@wincol.ac.il |
Abstract
Although the human right for people with disabilities to participate
in sport or physical activity is not a newly recognized right at the
United Nations, it has been just recently that the momentum to guaranteeing
this right across the world has begun. The following paper will examine
both the drafting of the Disability Convention and the International
Year of Sport and Physical Education’s contribution to the human
rights movement in sport. It will also discuss the founding of the International
Disability in Sport Working Group and provide a list of challenges that
the working group foresees for the future.
Introduction
The movement towards recognizing and capitalizing
on the human rights involved in sport 1, especially for people
with disabilities, has only recently begun to gain momentum 2.
This newfound impetus, however, is not because the human right to participate
in sport and physical activity is a new right recognized by the United
Nations or other regional bodies; in reality the human right to participate
in sport and physical activity has been accepted at the international
level for almost 30 years. As early as 1978, UNESCO drafted the International
Charter on Physical Education and Sport, which explicitly states that
“The practice of physical education and sport is a fundamental human
right for all.” 3 The Charter emphasizes that every person
is entitled to participate in sport, including women, children and youth,
the elderly and those with disabilities. 4
Besides UNESCO’s Charter, two other international
instruments contain provisions that protect the human right to participate
in sport and physical activity. However, unlike UNESCO, the documents
focus specifically on disability and not on sport. In 1982 the United
Nations created the World Programme of Action Concerning Disabled Persons
5 and in 1993 they created The Standard Rules on the Equalization
of Opportunities for Persons with Disabilities. 6 Both instruments
contained Articles that recognized people with disabilities’ right
to sport. 7
However, the true catalyst for this recent acknowledgement by societies
across the world of the role of sport in development, especially in
the context of people with disabilities, has come from two key actions
taken by the United Nations: (1) establishing an ad hoc committee in
2001 to create a legally binding Convention to protect the rights and
dignity of people with disabilities and (2) declaring 2005 as the International
Year of Sport and Physical Education.
The following paper will examine the importance of sport in human development
for people with disabilities framed by the Convention process and UN
Year of Sport and Physical Education. It will also discuss the formation
of an International Disability in Sport Working Group and the future
challenges in developing people with disabilities in sport.
The Implications of Sport for the Human Development in the Context of
People with Disabilities
The ability to participate in sport is not only a human right, but it
also serves as an enabler of other human rights. If we take the example
of individuals with disabilities in refugee camps, why should the United
Nations care about providing newly disabled refugees with sports programs
when they are having trouble merely providing them with basic food,
water and medical supplies?
Newly displaced refugees are often individuals who
have just lost their job, their homes, have seen family members shot in
front of their own eyes, are newly disabled or are suffering from the
trauma of war. Many times those that are newly disabled feel as if their
lives are simply over because of the negative stereotypes toward people
with disabilities found in their cultures. However, when these individuals
are placed in a sports realm, their mindset changes from one of disability
to that of ability. 8 The focus is on their ability to score
a goal or block a shot; not on the fact that their bodies differ from
“normal” standards set by society. 9 They start
seeing that their body, although it functions in a different way, is still
capable of doing things they never thought it would be capable of doing.
Sport also changes the perceptions of those observing.
The onlookers begin to see these individuals with disabilities doing things
they would never have imagined them able to do. Each time their initial
belief about those with disabilities is proven wrong, they become more
inclined to believe that these people with disabilities are capable of
accomplishing more. It also effectively tackles social exclusion. In Cambodia,
Handicap International conducted a three-day camp placing people with
disabilities with people without disabilities. 10 After the
three days, they found that exposure to people with disabilities that
the camp fostered, had positively influenced and improved the perceptions
of disability in the children participating. 11
Sport also teaches social skills to individuals
with disabilities. It teaches cooperation, respect, self-esteem and leadership.
12 The value of learning these skills is especially important
for people with disabilities because they are frequently excluded from
the educational system and other arenas where their non-disabled peers
receive these skills.
The United Nations has also recognized that sport
is low cost. A soccer ball can be made from scraps and a goal made from
throwing two shirts down on the ground. Sport is also universal –
it is found in even the most desolate places on earth. As a result, it
is a universal language, understood by all, despite native language barriers.
13
The health benefits of sport are similarly immense.
Not only does it lead to a healthy lifestyle but it also serves as an
inexpensive means of physical and psychological rehabilitation. Additionally,
it is an excellent platform to educate about health issues such as HIV/AIDS.
14 This is because it is a safe environment, where athletes
trust and respect their coaches. 15 It is also an environment
where the individuals are taught respect for the body. 16 Further,
it brings large groups of people from a community together in a fun way,
increasing the number of people these important messages will reach. 17
Sport also contributes to sustainable economic development.
18 It creates jobs for coaches, for those involved in making sport
equipment and for industry service providers. It serves as a platform
to teach entrepreneurial business skills, such as strategy, teamwork and
planning. It also is a realm for potential employees to gain the skills
necessary to become successful workers.
Finally, since the sport arena has incredible social networks through
volunteerism and support via community leaders and teachers –
more than any other human activity, including religion – the possibilities
for influence on decision makers is endless and can be a strong catalyst
for social mobilization.
The Disability Convention
The true change in perceptions that started to legitimize
human rights for people with disabilities in sport began with the resolution
of the UN General Assembly on the 19th of December in 2001, to establish
an Ad Hoc Committee "to consider proposals for a comprehensive and
integral international Convention [i.e. treaty] to promote and protect
the rights and dignity of persons with disabilities.” 19 After
advocates convened several times a year, for five years, on August 25th
2006, a U. General Assembly panel approved the draft text. The text is
expected to be approved during the 61st session of the 192 nation General
Assembly, which began in September 2006.
The sport and physical activity text is as follows:
With a view to enabling persons with disabilities to participate on an equal basis with others in recreational, leisure and sporting activities, States Parties shall take appropriate measures:
The proposed Convention differed from all other documents
previously created by the United Nations focusing on disability because
those were not considered “legally binding.” This means “that
the parties [to the past documents did] not intend to create binding obligations
but merely want to declare certain aspirations.” 20 This
movement towards the creation of a legally binding instrument specifically
protecting the human rights of people with disabilities would produce
not only an instrument that could be enforced, but also serve as a catalyst
for a renewed rights movement across the world.
The need for this Convention was aptly pointed out
by Mary Lou Breslin and Sylvia Yee, two scholars in the field of international
disability rights, who note that the existing state of international law
addressing disability rights is that of a “toothless tiger.”
21 They state that a new treaty would,
“Legitimize claims for additional attention and resources from the human rights division of the United Nations, governments, and other organizations; …[it] would provide an opportunity to both add specific content to the human rights of persons with disabilities and address hitherto unexplored areas… [it] would give disability rights organizations a specific tool for promoting human rights for persons with disabilities in domestic contexts and to their own governments … [and it] would be a catalyst for empowering and mobilizing the global disability rights movement.” 22 Since the Convention’s inception, an article
on the right to participate in sport was introduced in draft texts.23
However, despite these positive contributions, disability in sport advocates
at the United Nations continued to battle a population that was largely
ignorant about people with disabilities in sport. Many of those at the
United Nations typically belonged to an older generation that did not
have a high percentage of participants in sport. This made it difficult
for the right to be recognized, respected and accepted. In the beginning,
disability advocates stood up in caucus 24 meetings questioning
whether sport was even a human right. As a result, disability in sport
advocates started moving away from the use of the term “sport”
and towards “physical activity” because this was a more widely
accepted term and focused on the more concrete benefits of sport as opposed
to merely elite sports. The advocates began ingraining in the minds of
advocates that sport is not a luxury, but at the most basic level a human
right and that it is essential for all individuals to lead healthy, fulfilling
lives.
The advocates also embarked on an educational campaign in order to outfit
state parties with the necessary knowledge and tools to create an effective
Article. In June of 2004, they held a briefing at the United Nations,
inviting speakers from all over the world to address an audience of
over 80 State Delegates and non-governmental organizations (NGO’s)
on the issues involved in people with disabilities in sport. One of
the biggest misunderstandings between state delegates was the different
settings in which individuals with disabilities participate in sport.
The first setting is one in which an athlete with a disability competes
with athletes without disabilities, known as participating in “mainstream
activities.” An example of this is a deaf athlete competing in
National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) soccer with athletes
who are not deaf. In this realm, the athlete faces discrimination comparable
to women and ethnic/racial minorities. An athlete often experiences
unfounded discrimination about his or her playing capabilities. Coaches
may start with low expectations for the individual with a disability,
making the athlete have to raise the bar that much higher than his peers
without disabilities. Or the athlete with a disability might not even
be given the chance to participate – a physical education teacher
may fail to see ways to adapt the sports to include them or just assume
that they are unable to participate. Individuals with disabilities may
also not receive the necessary accommodations for their disability.
For example, a deaf athlete participating with hearing peers, needs
a sign language interpreter to ensure that he or she can benefit from
coaching at a comparable level as other athletes.
The second realm is known as “disability-specific
sport.” In this realm, individuals with disabilities participate
with other individuals with comparable disabilities. Due to diverse mobility
capabilities, full integration into mainstream sports and recreation activities
is not possible for a large percentage of the disability population. For
example, consider the safety risks involved if able-bodied athletes compete
with persons in wheelchairs in contact sports. 25 Thus, disability-specific
programming is important for realizing equal opportunity in sport. Many
of these sports are adapted forms of mainstream sports such as sled hockey
where individuals with lower limb impairments use sleds as skates. In
this realm, individuals with disabilities often experience discrimination
in the form of not having access to coaches that are trained in adapting
sport to fit the needs of those competing with disabilities, or not being
able to access the local gym or recreation fields because they are not
outfitted with wheelchair ramps or other necessary accommodations. Thus,
athletes in disability specific sport require different resources than
their mainstream counterparts.
In one of the initial drafts of the policy, it included
a provision that stated, “ensure that persons with disabilities
have an opportunity to organise and participate in sporting activities
and to receive the same [emphasis provided] instruction, training
and resources in support that is available to other participants.”
26 Although the intent here was benevolent, the potential policy
implications were to give a group of individuals who could not move without
wheelchairs access to gyms with steps or to coaches who had no idea how
to train athletes with disabilities in games such as wheelchair rugby.
Further, it would not have required equipment, games and resources to
be adapted to the needs of the athletes with disabilities in order to
actively participate in sports. Instead, disability in sport advocates
successfully urged the replacement of “same” with “appropriate”,
reflecting the fact that individuals with disabilities often need different
resources, etc. As a result of the different protections needed in these
different settings, a subclause was drafted for each disability-specific
sport and mainstream sport. 27
Another problem encountered in the initial language
was that “participation” was not defined. As a result, it
could be interpreted to mean merely serving as a scorekeeper. In the final
draft text participation has been qualified by stating, “To encourage
and promote the participation, to the fullest extent possible”
[emphasis provided].
At the beginning of the Convention, the article on sport and physical activity did not contain specific mention of vulnerable populations in sport – i.e. women with disabilities, children and refugees. 28 Disability in sport advocates were successful in obtaining special protection for children’s right to play as well as their right to actively participate in physical education. The advocates were also successful in obtaining special protection for women in the sporting realm even though the Article on sport does not specifically address gender. The Convention includes this special protection for women in Article 6, which prevents discrimination on the basis of sex, throughout all articles of the Convention. Advocates lobbied for the use of the word “gender” instead of “sex” because it protected a broader group of people i.e. transgender or intersex athletes. However, during the final meeting, “gender” was replaced with “sex.” Although disability in sport advocates were able to convince some countries to take up the issue of refugees,29 they were unsuccessful in getting it included in the final draft text.
These meetings served as an important impetus to expand recognition
of the human development potential that sport brings for people with
disabilities because not only does it serve as a potential vehicle to
bind governments legally to their obligations in the realm of people
with disabilities in sport but it also brought leaders from all over
the world together to work on the Convention. After the meetings, these
leaders go back to their native countries to continue the momentum of
the Convention in their homelands. 2005: The International Year of Sport and Physical Education
The second catalyst that has brought the human rights
embodied in sport to the global consciousness was a decision in November
of 2003 by the United Nations to declare 2005 as the International Year
of Sport and Physical Education. 30 The United Nations acknowledged
that despite past UN documents delineating the developmental benefits
of sport, the world was far behind in using it to help achieve human development
to the fullest potential. 31 They also noted “that sport
and physical education in many countries face increasing marginalization
within educational systems.” 32 They hoped that the year
would increase sports role in promoting education, health, development
and peace. 33
The reaction from the year of sport was immensely
successful. “70 countries identified multi-stakeholder national
committees or national focal points to plan, coordinate and implement
national observance of the Year, thousands of local projects were initiated.
Also during this time over 20 international conferences and 18 regional
conferences were held within the context of the International Year of
Sport and Physical Education and thousands of other initiatives strengthened
the role of sport and physical education as an integral dimension of the
development and cooperation strategies of all stakeholders including sports
organizations, athletes, multilateral organizations and the United Nations
system, bilateral development agencies, Governments across all sectors,
the armed forces, non-governmental organizations, the private sector and
sports industry, research institutions and the media.” 34
According to the Special Rappeteurs final report, the “International
Year contributed to a better understanding of the value of sport and physical
education for human development and a more systematic use of sport in
development programmes.” 35
However, largely absent from the International Year
of Sport and Physical Education’s agenda were conferences, educational
initiatives and programs that specifically focused on disability, even
though there were many focusing on sport and gender.36
Formation of a Working Group
As the meetings drew to a close, disability in sport advocates began
formulating an International Disability in Sport Working Group. Not
only was there an absence in the UN Sport office focusing on disability
but the policy that the advocates had been working on for so long was
only as effective as the programs, research and momentum that grew out
of it.
The mission of the International Disability in Sport
Working Group is to advance and protect people with disabilities’
human rights as they relate to sport. 37 The working groups
goals are:
The working group has successfully secured support from UN Year of Sport
and Physical Education, UNICEF, the International Women in Sport Working
Group (a parallel working group that focuses on women), Special Olympics
International, the Deaflympics, the International Paralympic Committee
and from top international organizations involved in disability in sport
development such as Rehabilitation International, Disabled People International
(DPI) and Landmine Survivors Network.
Following in the footsteps of the Convention, the
working group must ensure that the momentum created by the UN Year of
Sport and Physical Education as well as the Convention is not lost. Every
possible media outlet should be utilized to spread information about the
Convention and people with disabilities in sport. Campaigns to get countries
to ratify the treaty must be undertaken, because if a country does not
sign the Convention, the Convention cannot protect that country’s
disabled population. Another challenge is educating a largely uneducated
world about people with disabilities in sport, and in the process, using
sport to adapt communities’ minds about people with disabilities.
It will be important also to continually monitor access to sport and physical
activity for people with disabilities across the globe to ensure that
these rights are given. We must also fill the gap in research related
to disability in sport and the human rights associated with it. Hard academic
research must be done in the field in order to provide evidence of the
benefits of people with disabilities participating in sport, along with
their socio-economic development. Finally, it will be important to ensure
that governments and other organizations involved in sport interpret the
Convention to the greatest benefit of people with disabilities (i.e. the
fact that discrimination on the basis of sex is prohibited in realm of people with disabilities in sport).
1 The term “sport” throughout
this paper will refer to all levels of physical activity – sport, recreation,
play and leisure.
2 Final Report: International Year
of Sport and Physical Education 2005, Para 98, page 20.
3 Article I, UNESCO International
Charter on Physical Education and Sport.
http://www.unesco.org/education/information/nfsunesco/pdf/ SPORT_E.PDF#search=%221978%20UNESCO%20charter%20 on%20sports%20and%20physical%20education%22 (last accessed August 17, 2006). 4 Id. at 1.3.
5 See http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/enable/dissre00.htm
(last accessed August 17, 2006).
6 See http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/enable/dissre00.htm
(last accessed August 17, 2006).
7 The World Programme of Action
Concerning Disabled Persons states, “The importance of sports for disabled
persons is becoming increasingly recognized. Member States should therefore
encourage all forms of sports activities of disabled persons, inter alia,
through the provision of adequate facilities and the proper organization
of these activities.” The Standard Rules state in Rule 11, “States will
take measures to ensure that persons with disabilities have equal opportunities
for recreation and sports.
8 Karen DePauw and Susan Gavron,
“Disability and Sport”, Human Kinetics, at 10 (1995).
9 Elise Roy, “Using Sport as a Muscle
for Integration: The Legal Rights of Athletes with Disabilities to Participate
in Recreational and Sporting Opportunities.” (not published, 2003).
10 Jenny Ikelberg, et al. Fun Inclusive!
http://www.handicap-international.org.uk/pdfs/Fun_Inclusive_Sport_and_Disability.pdf (Last accessed August 29, 2006). 11 Id.
12 Sport for Development and Peace:
Towards Achieving the UN Millennium Goals, United Nations, at V(2003).
13 Id. at 17.
14 HIV/AIDS awareness campaigns for people with disabilities are even more vital as “literacy rates for disabled individuals are exceptionally low, thus making communication of messages about HIV/AIDS all the more difficult.” (HIV/AIDS and People With Disability, The Lancet, vol. 361, April 26, 2003, p. 1401-1402.) In addition, individuals with disabilities are frequently overlooked in HIV/AIDS awareness campaigns because they are often not viewed as sexual individuals or drug users. However in reality,
“those with [a] disability - and disabled women in particular- are likely to have more sexual partners than their non-disabled peers. Extreme poverty and social sanctions against marrying a disabled person mean that they are likely to become involved in a series of unstable relationships. Disabled individuals (both male and female) around the world are more likely to be victims of sexual abuse and rape than their non-disabled peers.”
Id. 15 Id. at 22.
16 Id.
17 Id.
18 Id. at 11.
19 See Resolution 56/168 http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/enable/disA56168e1.htm
(last accessed August 17, 2006).
20 See
http://untreaty.un.org/English/guide.txt (last accessed August 17,
2006).
21 Mary Lou Breslin and Silvia
Yee, “Disability Rights and Policy: International and National Perspectives,”
Transnational Publishers, at 18 (2002).
22 Id.
23 See Working Paper Submitted
by Mexico, Article 16: “States Parties shall ensure that persons with
disabilities have access to and the enjoyment of:
24 For the first time ever in
an international treaty drafting process non-governmental organizations
(NGO’s) were able to actively participate in discussions regarding the
draft text. The forum created for the NGO voice was an International
Disability Caucus (IDC), which appointed representatives to voice the
collective NGO stand.
25 Elise Roy, “January 2004 Draft
Working Group Disability Convention Text Critique” (distributed only
at the United Nations) (March 2004).
26 See http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/enable/rights/ahcwgreporta24.htm
(Last accessed August 29, 2006).
27 Please refer to page, 6 for
the full text of these subclauses.
28 See http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/enable/rights/ahcwgreportax1.htm
(Last accessed August 29, 2006).
29 See Report of the Third Session
of the Ad Hoc Committee on a Comprehensive and Integral International
Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Rights and Dignity
of People with Disabilities, A/AC.265/2004/5, (June, 9 2004).
30 A/RES/58/5, “Sport as a means
to promote education, health, development and peace.”
31 Id.
32 Id.
33 Id.
34 Final Report International
Year of Sport and Physical Education.
http://www.un.org/sport2005/a_year/IYSPE_Report_FINAL.pdf at 2, (2005) 35 Id.
36 The Year of Sport did hold
a conference on Rehabilitation Through Physical Activity and Sport that
addressed adapted sport and also focused on the psychological effects
of the Southeast Asia tsunami. The Year of Sport also formed partnerships
with the International Paralympic Committee and Special Olympics as
well as had a small section on their website devoted to sport and disability.
However, there were no tangible results felt as in the gender realm.
37 International Disability in
Sport Working Group Goals and Objectives, internal memorandum (January
2006).
38 Id. |
The International Paralympic Committee (IPC) is committed to supporting
and promoting human rights for all current and potential Paralympic
athletes. In 2004, the IPC Governing Board approved a Position Statement
stressing equal access and opportunities and hosted an International
Symposium on Human Rights on the occasion of the Athens 2004 Paralympic
Games. The Symposium, co-organized by Rehabilitation International,
brought together representatives from government, sport, the disability
rights movement and media to discuss the status, current issues and
hot topics around human rights for persons with a disability. A webcast
of the symposium is available at www.db1.org/IPCWMP/index.html. Resources
The IPC and Rehabilitation International developed educational toolkits
to explain the process of developing a Convention on the Rights and
Dignities of Persons with a Disability and the role of Paralympic
athletes as advocates. In addition, the IPC has published a document written by Ms. Cheri
Blauwet, US
Paralympic athlete and scholar titled "The
Paralympics: Promoting Health and Human Rights through Sport". Ms
Blauwet outlines how the Paralympic Movement can be a vehicle to promote
the concepts of health and human rights for athletes with a disability.
Source:
Contact:
For more information about the IPC's approach to
human rights or publications, please contact, IPC Development Manager
at amy.farkas@paralympic.org
or visit the IPC website http://www.paralympic.org.
The Position Statement of the IPC on Human Rights
IPC Handbook Section
2, Chapter 2
|
“How will China’s pervasive censorship
and control of domestic and international media and the Internet play
out when thousands of international journalists descend on Beijing? How
are the Olympic Games being used to justify the violent forced evictions
of thousands of people from their homes? As international businesses reach
out to the world’s largest consumer market, how do China’s
restrictions on labor rights affect workers on the ground? Human Rights
Watch hopes that the 2008 Olympics will be an impetus for China to demonstrate
greater respect for the human rights guaranteed to all under international
law.
Source: http://www.hrw.org/campaigns/china/beijing08 So wrote Human Rights Watch on August 24, 2004, a few days before the
city of Athens, host to the 2004 Summer Olympic Games, handed the Olympic
flag to Beijing, the 2008 host city. During the intervening two years,
as our concerns have deepened, we have continued to ask ourselves, the
International Olympic Committee (IOC) and China’s leadership the
same questions.
![]()
Will there be censorship at the Bejing olympics?
Chinese laws and regulations narrow the space for free expression by
domestic and foreign press. Contrary to international law, which calls
for “freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas
of all kinds, regardless of frontiers,” news (Article 19, 1976)
reports must largely repeat the government’s factual account and
analysis, e-mail is selectively monitored and courts regularly sentence
Chinese editors, webmasters, reporters and bloggers alleged to have
leaked “state secrets,” “incited subversion,”
or “colluded with hostile foreign forces” to prison terms
as long as 12 years. Members of the Foreign Correspondents Club of China
(FCCC) may not be charged with those offenses but they risk harassment
and detention every time they try to cover what Chinese authorities
consider a sensitive story, which can include a major traffic jam or
an ozone-filled atmosphere (“Widespread Detentions of Foreign
Journalists…”, 2006). Existing regulations already restrict
where journalists can go and what stories they can cover.
For the 20,000 foreign journalists expected to cover the Beijing Olympics,
the most pressing issue will be their freedom to report and analyze
the Games without government interference (Kahn, 2006; Wu, 2006). Official
accreditation of journalists for the Olympics might be used, as in the
past, to reward journalists uncritical of Chinese government policies
and to punish critics. Government ownership of almost all Olympic-related
media infrastructure – outgoing and incoming wire-line and wireless
communications, including telephone and Internet connections, international
radio and television signals for broadcasting rights holders and transmission
hardware for all television and radio broadcasts destined for international
rights holders – will enable Chinese editing of offending broadcasts
and interference with their transmission.
During an August 10, 2006 meeting, Liu Qi, president of the Beijing
Organizing Committee of the Olympic Games, stressed that China would,
as promised, make it “convenient” for foreign journalists
to cover the Games. However, he added that in 2007, China would define
policies related to foreign media coverage and to employment of Chinese
citizens as assistants, both of which could restrict international journalists’
ability to report freely. To date, the most specific guideline restricting
media coverage of the 2008 Games is the Press Commission of the Chinese
Olympic Committee’s insistence that it vet all requests to interview
Chinese athletes (“China to Issue Regulation…”, 2006)
.
The IOC has not been especially critical of China’s censorship
with respect to the 2008 Games, thus lending credibility to Chinese
authorities’ actions. In May 2005, Kevan Gosper, chair of the
IOC press commission, suggested that foreign media should respect the
way “China manages its communications.” A year later, Hein
Verbruggen, head of the IOC’s inspection team, emphasized that
the media must respect Chinese law. “If it’s in the law,
then it is in the law,” he said. Most recently, IOC Communications
Director Giselle Davis admitted that media freedom has a way to go.
“No one’s denying,” she said, “that here and
now this is a challenge.” Her remarks made particular mention
of press freedom in the days before the Games officially open (“IOC
Working to Ensure…”, 2006). Recommendations
Will olympic project workers have their rights protected ?
There are no independent trade unions in China; there is no right to
collective bargaining. All unions are affiliates of the Chinese Communist
Party’s All-China Federation of Trade Unions (ACFTU). They do
little to ensure healthy and safe working conditions, adequate wages
and regular pay, or robust grievance mechanisms. There are high rates
of occupational illness, innumerable instances of workers paid below
the minimum wage, late, or not at all, and, too often, unemployment
or imprisonment for those who protest (“Unions Launch Campaign…”,
2006). Migrant workers are particularly vulnerable to these kinds of
abuse.
Large numbers of migrant workers have been contracted for Olympics-related
projects. In 2004, when the Hebei provincial department of construction
signed an agreement on behalf of more than 120,000 new migrant workers
headed for Beijing to work on such projects, the city promulgated a
series of regulations to ensure that migrant workers would be paid regularly.
But in September 2005 workers at the National Conference Center, an
Olympic site, refused to leave the site after the sub-contractor they
worked for was replaced, fearing that they would lose the three months’
wages owed them. In 2006, the Supreme People’s Court ordered that
lower courts speed up settlement of migrant workers’ law suits
and assist contractors to collect from the government (“China's
Circular Instructs Courts…”, 2006).
Recommendations
![]() Will there be redress for forced evictions and inadequate compensations
?
Construction of Olympic sites and attendant upgrading of Beijing’s
infrastructure has caused widespread forced evictions; few who have
been evicted have received adequate compensation (Ang, 2005). Lack of
transparency on the process and restrictions on media make it difficult
to assess the full extent of the impact. Nevertheless what reports there
are, combined with official information on the process, gives great
cause for concern. China is also a party to the International Covenant
on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, which guarantees a right to
housing. These evictions, without adequate compensation or safeguards,
would violate those international commitments.
In March 2004, the head of the Beijing Municipal Administration of State
Land, Resources and Housing (SLRH) stated that 5,000 of a projected
6,000 households had already been moved to accommodate Olympic sites
(Li, 2004). Several projects have involved the destruction of entire
neighborhoods. One such project involves homeowners moved from the site
reserved for the Shunyi Olympic Aquatic Park. Another involved the eviction
of hundreds of peasants from their homes and fields on the north side
of Beijing. Their farmsteads were bulldozed to make way for Olympics-related
landscaping and development projects. New jobs were promised, as the
residents could no longer farm there, but not delivered, according to
one of the residents, a subsistence farmer. A media report from the
Nanyingfang section of Chaoyang district in November 2004 describes
demolition crews piling residents’ belongings into vans while
some 100 police officers watched. Journalists were warned not to photograph
residents being sprayed with foam from fire extinguishers or being taken
away by police (“Families Dragged From Their Homes”, 2004).
In addition, official plans to “beautify” the city in time
for the start of the 2008 Olympic Games, has created new projects likely
to result in further forced evictions. Reports indicate many, if not
most, victims of these evictions have been, and will be, left without
compensation. In June 2005, when the some 1,000 residents evicted for
the Aquatic Park blocked the site and demanded compensation, they were
advised that local authorities had already received payment. A local
spokesperson said: “The land belongs to the village as a whole,
so the money should not go directly to the people. The village is entitled
to make a decision on how to use the money” (Ang, 2005). The SLRH
head, in admitting that 300,000 people would be relocated to accommodate
beautification plans, disputed claims that relocations were forced or
that those associated with illegal demolitions would go unpunished.
Authorities also suggested that compensation rates and new accommodations
favor the displaced. However, the system authorities suggest is in place
to address the compensation and redress needs of the victims makes such
a claim implausible. First a top court ruled that compensation or resettlement
disputes are not a matter for the judiciary and instead litigants are
to be referred to “relevant government departments” for
arbitration. There is no evidence that this government-administered
scheme of arbitration is to be independent, transparent, or capable
of reaching fair determinations between the interests of the dispossessed
and the government. Given China’s weak record in this area, expectations
of fairness from the system are low. In addition, victims are not to
be allowed seek injunctions against demolitions but are restricted to
seeking compensation if their homes are unlawfully or improperly destroyed
(“China curbs court access…”, 2005).
Recommendations
References
Ang, A. (2005, June 14). Farmers stage land protest at Beijing Olympic
venue.
Associated Press Newswire.
Article 19. (1976). International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
(ICCPR), 999
U.N.T.S. 171, entered into force, March 23, 1976, signed by China on
October 5,
1998, but not yet ratified.
China curbs court access in house demolitions. (2005, August 12). Reuters
News.
China's circular instructs courts to help migrant workers recover unpaid
wages. (2006, 9
August). BBC Monitoring Asia Pacific.
China to issue regulation on foreign media's coverage
at 2008 Olympics. (2006, July 10). People Daily. Retrieved from http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/200608/10/eng20060810_291821.html.
Families dragged from their homes. (2004, November
16). Straits Times. Retrieved from http://straitstimes.asia1.com.sg/sub/asia/story/0,5562,285174,00.html.
IOC working to ensure free media coverage ahead
of Beijing Olympics. (2006, 9 August). Kyodo News.
Kahn, J. (2006, July 4). Beijing official says curbs
apply to foreign journalists. New York Times. Retrieved from
http://select.nytimes.com/
gst/abstract.html?res=FB0C10FF39540C778CDDAE0894DE404482
Li, L. (2004, November 3). City denies reports on
large-scale evictions. China Daily. Retrieved from http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/english/doc/2004-03/11/content_313666.htm
Unions launch campaign to safeguard migrant workers.
(2006, June 14). People Daily. Retrieved from http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/
200606/14/ eng20060614_273873.html
Widespread detentions of foreign journalists show China unprepared
to host Olympic
press corps in 2008. (2006, August 10). Foreign Correspondents Club.
Wu, V. (2006, April 13). Watchdog says no foreign
reports: TV stations told to stick to state-run news services. South
China Morning Post. Retrieved from http://www.asiamedia.ucla.edu/article.asp?parentid=43020.
|
There is a danger that as academics working in sport, we are mistakenly
developing the notion that sports are more important than any other
aspects of human existence. This is particularly the case with the relationship
between sport and human rights. As sport academics, we are often guilty
of promoting sport as the panacea for the ills of the world. As a consequence,
we may be losing sight of the bona fide relationship between the protection
of human rights and sport. As David (2005, p.1) remarks in the context
of athletes’ rights:
If we are to understand better how human rights can improve the protection
of all young athletes’ rights, the link between human rights and
sport must be explored attentively.
This is an interesting point and a clear indicator of the lack of careful
research into the links between the protection of human rights and sport,
which are backed up by McArdle & Guiliotti (2006, p.1) who argue
that:
At first glance, the work of organizations like the IOC suggests that
human rights, international development and peace are pivotal to sport.
Sport however, does have strong links with development and peace and
not necessarily human rights as this has been proven by the numerous
projects being carried out across the world in the name of peacemaking
and development. The 2003 Report on the United Nations Interagency Task
Force on Sport for Development and Peace comprehensively documents a
full range of projects that have been pivotal in this regard. However,
there is only a brief mention (p. 4) on the topic of human rights and
sport, and that section only refers specifically to article 1 of the
charter of Physical Education and Sport which was adopted by UNESCO
in 1978. This charter states that:
The practice of physical education and sport is a fundamental human
right for all. It stresses that every person is entitled to participate
in sport, including especially women, young people, the elderly and
the disabled.
The Interagency Task Force was a direct result of the UN Millennium
Development Goals and generated the impetus for the UN 2006 Sport Development
and Peace Report (in print) which highlights the significant projects
developed across the world in the 2005 International Year of Sport and
Physical Education (IYSPE 2005) and which was so successfully developed
by the UN Office of Sport for Development and Peace. Out of this push
for sport and development came some important issues which were debated
at the 2nd Magglingen Conference on Sport for Development, the 2005
United Nations World Summit, The World Conference for Peace, Solidarity
and Development in Spain (2005), The UN and L’Equipe Roundtable
on the Indian Ocean Tsunami Aid (2005) and the Sport & Development
– Economy, Culture and Ethics Conference organized by ICSSPE at
Bad Boll in Germany (2005). Along with these initiatives came the important
UNESCO Convention against Doping in Sport meeting in October 2005 that
‘adopted unanimously the International Convention against Doping
and Sport’.
It is questionable that these conferences directly related to human
rights and sport. Although sport has achieved much in the promotion
of sport through development and peace, it is difficult to ascertain
how sport assists in supporting the ‘Dimensions of Human Life’
which are grounded in human rights theory. These are as espoused by
Kalin et al (2006, p.1) as:
The recent phenomenon of linking sport and human rights by Kidd and
Donnelly (2000) currently gives academics clear directions. They argue
that:
Social scientists can contribute in important ways to the promotion
of human rights through sports, especially at a time when thinking about
human rights issues is becoming more widespread. (p. 145)
There is still a tendency for academics to equate human rights issues
with those of development and peace. There is however a clear distinction.
Other authors have argued similar points between the relationship between
human rights and sport. Sidoti (1999, p. 21) argues that ‘sport
is really a soft option’ and reiterates the question posed at
the beginning of this paper - we have it ‘the wrong way round’.
It should not be how human rights are articulated with sport but ‘whether
sport affects the promotion of human rights’. Sidoti suggests,
and is right of course, that we seem to have lost the meaning of the
term and are in danger of promoting sport through the medium of human
rights literature rather than coming from a human rights perspective
where sport is a small microcosm of the answer to the problems of individuals’
‘right to life’. I am suggesting that sport academics need
to revisit the human rights literature in order to promote a more balanced
approach rather than rely on the ‘power of sport’ to try
to `patch up` the problems. As Mary Robinson, UN Human Rights Commissioner,
argued in 1998 that if we:
Count up the results of 50 years of human rights mechanisms, 30 years
of multi-billion dollar development programmes and endless high level
rhetoric and the general impact is quite under-whelming …this
is a failure of implementation on a scale that shames us all.
What hope is there of sport making an impact on
the human rights issues across the world if human rights mechanisms cannot?
Maybe it is possible if we know where we are going as a group. For example,
it is clear from the work which came out of the 1999 Human Rights Council
of Australia Conference in Sydney, Australia, entitled ‘How
you play the game: The contribution of sport to the promotion of human
rights’, that there is a need for another such conference to
discuss the important issues of human rights and how sport can play a
part in supporting the rights of individuals. This conference needs to
be developed by the UN and the United Nations Human Rights Commission
in conjunction with ICSSPE so that there are positive outcomes and a clear
definition of the relationship between human rights and sport. David (2005)
started this process by producing a book highlighting the relationship
between human rights and youth sport. However, other human rights areas
such as gender-based violence, poverty, cruelty, torture, racial discrimination,
liberty, education, conflict, health, food and genocide have not been
linked to sport. Indeed, can we link sport to some of these important
issues? I think not in all cases but I am willing to debate the issues
further.
Obviously, some quality papers and books have been developed over the
past few years. Please see for example (Burke & Roberts, 2005; Corbett:
1999; David, 2005; Guilianotti, 1999; Hums, 2005; Lapchick, 2005; McArdle,
1999; McArdle & Guilianotti, 2006; Miah: 1999). All are seminal
and provide examples of the nature of the relationship between sport
and human rights. However, I would still argue that we really do have
it ‘the wrong way around’ and that the protection of one’s
human rights are much more important than sport. As reported by Amnesty
International (2004, paragraph 1) in its Human Rights Report on China:
Despite a few positive steps, no attempt was made to introduce the fundamental
legal and institutional reforms necessary to bring an end to serious
human rights violations. Tens of thousands of people continued to be
detained or imprisoned in violation of their rights to freedom of expression
and association, and were at serious risk of torture or ill-treatment.
Consequently, for some, the problems of life are insurmountable. For
example, in some parts of Ethiopia, Lebanon, Kosovo, Somalia, Rwanda
and other war-ravaged countries, the playing of sport is far from important.
As I have indicated elsewhere:
The last thing on peoples’ minds when they are homeless and hungry
is the playing of sport; the last thing on peoples’ minds when
they are fighting for survival against torture is the playing of sport;
the last thing on peoples’ minds when women are being mutilated
is the playing of sport; the last thing on severely disabled people’s
minds is the playing of sport. If you’re a refugee, sport doesn’t
matter unless you’re locked in an internment camp and are looking
to pass the time. (Gilbert, 2006, p. 22)
Within this context, sport can be classified as a time filler, an aside,
nonessential to daily life and a soft option on the human rights agenda
and we need to change this perception. Perhaps we need to do more work
like the groundbreaking successes that the ‘Right to Play’
organization is achieving. They believe they can ’empower children
and communities to look after themselves and each other’ and they
‘emphasize the best values of sport and strive to inspire respect,
compassion, optimism, integrity and joy’. This programme has made
a difference to enhancing the quality of life of their target groups.
As academics, we can make a difference if we better understand what
we are trying to communicate when talking about human rights and sport,
and focus our attempts towards these unified objectives.
For example, if survival is the key, health should be an objective and
if sport can support the development of health for the marginalized
(Cook & Gilbert, 2006), then we should use it as one of a series
of tools rather than the panacea. We must put sport in the right perspective
and not champion its cause above other more important social issues.
Indeed, does sport really matter in relation to human rights? We need
to try and get it the right way around.
References Amnesty International. (2004). China. Retrieved from
http://web.amnesty.org/
report2004/chn-summary-eng.
Burke, M., & Roberts, T. (1999, September) Drugs, sport and human
rights. Paper
presented at the Human Rights Council of Australia Conference, How You
Play the Game: The Contribution of Sport to the Promotion of Human Rights.
Sydney, Australia.
Cook, K., & Gilbert, K. (2006). Life on the
margins: Implications for health research. French’s Forest,
Sydney, Australia: Pearson Education
Corbett, D. (1999, September). Ethics and moral behavior in sport:
A human rights issue,
Paper presented at the Human Rights Council of Australia Conference,
How You Play the Game: The Contribution of Sport to the Promotion of
Human Rights. Sydney, Australia.
David, P. (2005). Human rights in sport: A critical
review of children’s rights in
competitive sports. London: Routledge, Taylor & Francis. Gilbert, K. (2006). Sport, peace and development. Keynote Speech, Conference on Sport & Coaching, Johor Bahru Sports Council, Johor, Malaysia. Hums, M.A. (2005, October). Sport as a human right: The role of the
Olympic
Movement. Presented at the annual conference of the North American
Society for Sport Sociology, Winston-Salem, NC.
Kalnin, W. Muller, L., & J. Wyttenbach (2006).
(Eds.) The face of human rights. Baden, Switzerland: Lars Muller
Publications.
Kidd, B. & Donnelly, P. (2000). Human rights
in sport, International Review for the Sociology of Sport 35(2),
pp. 131-148
Lapchick, R. E. (1999, September). The new racial stereotypes of the
1990’s. Paper
presented at the Human Rights Council of Australia Conference, How you
Play the Game: The Contribution of Sport to the Promotion of Human Rights,
Sydney, Australia. McArdle, D. (1999). Beyond a boundary: sexual harassment in sports
employment. Paper
presented at the Human Rights Council of Australia Conference, How You
Play the Game: The Contribution of Sport to the Promotion of Human Rights,
Sydney, Australia.
McArdle, D., & Giulianotti, R. (2006). (Eds) Sport,
civil liberties & human rights. London: Routledge, Taylor &
Francis.
Miah, A. (1999, September). The human rights of the genetically engineered
athlete.
Paper presented at the Human Rights Council of Australia Conference,
How You Play the Game: The Contribution of Sport to the Promotion of
Human Rights. Sydney, Australia.
Robertson, G. (1999). Crimes against humanity:
The struggle for global justice. Allan Lane, The Penguin Press.
Sidoti, C. (1999, September). Rules beyond the game, Paper presented
at the Human
Rights Council of Australia Conference, How You Play the Game: The Contribution
of Sport to the Promotion of Human Rights. Sydney, Australia.
United Nations. (2003). Sport for development
& peace: Towards achieving the Millennium Goals. Report from
the United Nations Inter- Agency Task Force on Sport for Development and
Peace. New York: Author.
United Nations. (2006). Report on sport development
& peace (IYSPE 2005) (in print). New York, NY: Author. |
The potential for sport to effectively convey messages and influence behavior
on one hand, while improving the quality of people's live and promoting
peace on the other has been increasingly recognized in recent years. The
United Nations has incorporated sport into its programs and into their
development and foreign assistance policies.
“Sport is the universal language that can bring people together,
no matter what their origin, background, religious beliefs or economic
status,” stated United Nations Secretary-General, Kofi Annan.
The International Year of Sport and Physical Education 2005 (IYSPE 2005),
proclaimed by the United National General Assembly, aimed to raise awareness
among the general public and encourage communities, organizations and
individuals to share their knowledge about the value of sport. It also
sought to create the right conditions for more sports-based development
programs and projects.
Under the leadership of Mr. Adolf Ogi, Special Adviser to the Secretary-General
on Sport for Development and Peace, the International Year provided a
unique opportunity to focus the world's attention on the importance of
sport in society and on how sport and physical education programmes can
be used as tools to help combat challenges such as extreme poverty, conflict,
and HIV/AIDS and help achieve the Millennium Development Goals.
Sport and physical education play a vital role at all levels of society.
For the individual, sport enhances one's personal abilities, general health,
and self-knowledge. On the national level, sport and physical education
contribute to economic and social growth, improve public health and bring
different communities together. On the global level, if used consistently,
sport and physical education can have a long-lasting positive impact on
development, public health, peace and the environment.
Access to and participation in sport and physical education provides an
opportunity to enjoy social and moral inclusion for populations otherwise
marginalized by social, cultural, or religious barriers due to gender,
disability or other distinctions. Through sport and physical education,
individuals can experience equality, freedom and a dignifying means for
empowerment. The control over one's body, experienced while practicing
sport, is particularly valuable for girls and women, for people with disabilities,
for those affected by armed conflict and for people recovering from trauma.
The success of IYSPE 2005 has led to a growing network of governments,
organizations, groups and individuals around the world who were made aware
of sport and physical education's vital role in contributing to education,
health, development and peace. Seventy countries from all continents set
up national committees or national focal points to plan, coordinate and
implement national observance of the Year. Additionally, 52 other countries
reported on commemorative activities without having officially appointed
such a national focal point. Finally, 20 international and over 18 regional
conferences were organized during the year, connecting the role of sport
with the issues of development, health, culture, environment, peace, gender
and education.
The United Nations is building on the momentum of IYSPE 2005 to encourage
mainstreaming of Sport for Development and Peace into the global development
agenda and into government policies and programs. The General Assembly
has requested the preparation of an Action Plan to strengthen United Nations
partnerships with Governments, sport-related organizations and the private
sector, and this will be considered at its session this fall.
Sources: http://www.un.org/sport2005
Contact: Richard Leonard Communications Specialist United Nations New York Office of Sport for Development and Peace 405 Lexington Avenue Chrysler Building, 4th Floor New York, NY 10174 Tel. 212 457 1254; Fax 212 254 4039 |
Abstract
The author spent the last four years working in “developing”
and post-war nations creating sports programs that include and advocate
for people with war-related disabilities. The article discusses how
international Sport for Development organizations and national government
institutions around the world are working to develop programming that
encourages the values of human dignity. It notes where these organizations
may still be falling short in their goals. The article suggests best
practices for individuals/organizations planning sport programs seeking
to promote and protect human rights. Introduction
In the past 10 years, a new and growing interest in the Sport for Development
movement has emerged. This movement received heightened international
attention when the United Nations named 2005 the International Year
of Sport and Physical Education. Though the principles behind the movement
may not be entirely new, an increased number of international organizations
have begun working in developing countries in recent years. Organizations
are popping up everywhere, all with the intention of using sport as
a vehicle to improve the lives of individuals and entire communities.
Organizations such as Right to Play, Grassroots Soccer, Sports for Life
and Playing for Peace are just a few. Working hand in hand with local
organizations and national governments, these organizations develop
accessible and educational sport programs.
Though the organizations vary in size, focus area and approach to programming,
they all share the belief that sport can be a cost-effective, extremely
enticing and exciting method to stimulate development. “Development”
can include a variety of improvements to quality of life such as improved
health, education and economic opportunity. Development should be considered
a human right in and of itself, but it is also a process leading to
the protection of human rights and dignity. Sport can be considered
similarly. In recent years, many have contended that the access to sport
is itself a human right (UNESCO, n.d.). Sport, however, can also be
used as a vehicle for achieving, promoting and protecting human rights
(Blauwett, 2005). This can only be done however, if program planners
and participants are aware of the issues connecting sport and human
rights and consistently strive to use a human rights approach to program
planning and implementation.
Stories from the Field
Both national governments/organizations and international non-profits
are making great efforts to increase access to sport and recreation
for people living in developing nations, including women, children and
people with disabilities. Though the international community is being
made more aware of the relationship between sport and human rights,
it is clear there is a long way to go before sports programming consistently
promotes and protects human rights. The following examples from my own
experience demonstrate areas where even the best-intentioned programs
reinforce a violation of human rights. I have intentionally excluded
names and logistical details in order to protect the identity of the
individuals interviewed.
Vietnam
In 2005, during my visit to a national sports training facility in Hanoi,
Vietnam, athletes with disabilities explained that though all athletes
present had recently qualified for an upcoming international sporting
event, only a select few would be considered by the government of Vietnam
to actually participate in this event. They knew, however, that a higher
percentage of their “able-bodied” counterparts would be
chosen to participate. They also mentioned that athletes with disabilities
were only allowed to use this particular facility after 06:00 during
special training periods such as this one. They said this was a common
rule for many of the top sporting facilities in Hanoi. Though they said
they were discouraged by these practices, they also recognized a need
to continue to give their best effort in order to increase the opportunities
for future athletes with disabilities in Vietnam.
United States/Africa
Recently I spoke with the leading member of an organization that brings
professional basketball players from the United States to African countries
to teach about HIV/AIDS through basketball. The participants in the
first two programs had been predominantly “able-bodied”
boys. I approached this leader with the idea of a partnership so that
more athletes of different backgrounds could be included in this beneficial
program. When I suggested we find a way to include our wheelchair basketball
athletes and work to attract participants with disabilities, his response
was “That’s not our thing.” Unfortunately, this is
not an uncommon response. However, it was extremely disappointing considering
the recent reports stating people with disabilities are equally vulnerable
to HIV/AIDS as their able-bodied counterparts (Groce & Trasi, 2004).
A Country in Africa
Several years ago, the National Paralympic Committee held a workshop
for trainers, referees and athletes involved in the budding wheelchair
basketball program. During the workshop, the trainers and referees (all
of whom were “able-bodied”) were provided with double or
quadruple rooms. The athletes, all of whom had a physical disability,
were placed in group rooms. Many of them did not have proper beds and
were required to sleep on foam mattresses on the floor. During lunch,
trainers and referees were given the choice between two meals, one European-style,
the other African-style. The athletes were automatically provided with
the African-style meal. After the second day, the athletes wrote a letter
to the Committee and staged a small protest. The following day they
were allowed a choice of meals and the Committee made an effort to be
sure each athlete had decent sleeping accommodations.
Paralympic Games
The Paralympic Games are considered by many to be a shining example
of how sport can be used to promote human rights. These Games highlight
the skills and abilities of athletes with physical and some sensory
disabilities. Athletes with disabilities from around the world have
demonstrated their skills and strengths in this international venue.
However, athletes from developing countries have a difficult time being
able to participate in these Games. First, they face the obvious challenges
of obtaining any resources at all for training and competition. But
even more impossible to overcome are athlete classification systems
and equipment standards that teams from developing countries simply
can not meet, at least not without foreign intervention. Although governing
bodies create these systems and standards to protect the athlete and
provide growth opportunities for the sport, they have all been created
in developed countries where the survivors of various disabilities and
the equipment available are simply different and unequal to those in
developing countries. Athletes from developing countries will continue
to be consistently excluded from certain sports until the rules are
adapted or the quality of life in these countries is significantly improved.
United States
As a teenage student, growing up in the mid-western United States in
the 1990s, I played competitive sports for my junior and senior high
schools. During that time, my fellow female athletes and I often mourned
the fact that our teams were never issued new uniforms. Every other
year, the boys’ teams received new uniforms and the girls’
teams were provided with the hand-me-downs of the boys teams from the
year before. This was viewed as an effective cost-cutting measure by
the (all male) administration of the schools. Interestingly, I was told
two years ago that this practice still continues.
This example seems unimportant compared to the challenges faced by the
individuals mentioned earlier in this paper, who often have no access
to equipment whatsoever. However, it definitely sent an insidious message
to all the female athletes, “You deserve less than the male athletes.”
It also shows how common inequitable resource distribution is, even
in the United States, where the amount of resources available for sport
is probably greater than anywhere else in the world.
In each of these examples, well-intentioned organizations reinforce
social insults to human dignity. These situations may not seem extreme
because they simply reinforce the status quo within a given society.
They reinforce the idea that one group is better than another and therefore
more deserving of resources. Luckily, we also often see members of groups
affected by these ideas standing up and changing them. They are able
to use the sport field as a playing field for addressing larger societal
issues. This of course can only be done in an environment open and conducive
for change.
Recommended Best Practices
The challenge to use sport as a tool to address human rights issues
starts within the programs themselves. Governments continue to develop
laws making access to sport a right for all, but acceptance of these
laws can take a long time, and even after ratification, may often be
of low priority for enforcement. Also, the laws do not explain how to
make sport a right for all and can leave room for interpretation. It
is therefore crucial that people involved in sports programming be aware
of the need for a human rights approach in program planning and implementation.
During the last four years, I have worked with a program called Sports
for Life, which is dedicated to increasing sporting opportunities for
people with disabilities. The intention of the program is to use sport
as a tool to allow people with disabilities to advocate for themselves
within the world of sport and beyond. The programs have achieved important
successes, but have also faced frustrations and shortfalls. The lessons
learned through these programs lead to the following suggestions of
best practices for program planners:
Conclusion
This list is merely a beginning of how to develop sport programs that
serve as examples to the world at large. It is up to program planners
and participants to constantly monitor and manage their own programs
to promote and protect human rights and to share their suggestions for
improvement with the Sport for Development community.
References
Blauwet, C. (2005). Promoting the health and human
rights of individuals with a disability through the Paralympic Movement.”
International Paralympic Committee. Retrieved from www.paraympic.org.
Groce N., & Trasi, R. ( 2004). Rape of individuals
with disability: AIDS and the folk belief of virgin cleansing. The
LANCET, 363, 1663-1664.
UNESCO. (n.d.) International Charter of Physical Education and Sport. United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). Retrieved from: http://www.unesco.org/education/information/nfsunesco/pdf/
Contact Anita Keller Sports for Life Program Manager Vietnam Veterans of America Foundation Washington USA akeller@vi.org |
Abstract
The purpose of this paper is to present the results of the first Afghan
Youth Sports Exchange (AYSE) girls’ soccer clinic in Kabul, Afghanistan
held in April of 2006 and demonstrate the strong correlation between
athletics and human rights of girls and women in Afghanistan. Four Afghan-American
coaches traveled with the AYSE Director to lead girls’ soccer
clinics on the ground in Kabul in coordination with the Afghanistan
National Olympic Committee (ANOC) and the Afghanistan Football Federation
(AFF). Soccer equipment was shipped and distributed to players and coaches
in order to provide the resources and tools to ensure proper support
for the girls programs with the ANOC and AFF. In addition to the players’
clinic, a coaches’ clinic was set-up in collaboration with the
German Football Federation. The clinic proved effective in bringing
female coaches from around the city together to discuss the best methodologies
for training girls’ soccer. The success of the program was measured
by immediate feedback from players and coaches as well as officials
with the ANOC and AFF. Two girls from the 2004 AYSE girls’ soccer
camp received the 2006 Arthur Ashe Award for Courage from ESPN at the
ESPY Awards on behalf of girls’ soccer in Afghanistan.
![]()
About the Afghan Youth Sports Exchange (AYSE)
The Afghan Youth Sports Exchange (AYSE) is a non-profit organization
dedicated to equipping Afghanistan’s youth with leadership skills
required to promote athletics in their schools and communities. AYSE
was founded by Awista Ayub, an Afghan-American, based on the concept
of using sports as a tool to promote leadership among children in Afghanistan.
The AYSE’s vision is to create a structured youth sports system
that will support and cultivate future sports leaders for Afghanistan,
utilizing already established programs on the ground, while working
to address human rights issues through athletics.
In 2004, the Exchange’s initial mission was achieved with the
arrival in the United States of a fully-sponsored girls’ soccer
team from Kabul, Afghanistan. The team worked together at a sports leadership
camp run and organized by AYSE in preparation for competition in the
International Children’s Games held in Cleveland, Ohio. AYSE NOW…
In spring 2006, two years after the first camp, AYSE traveled to Afghanistan
bringing four Afghan-American soccer coaches to work with 15 teams registered
under the ANOC through the AFF. The goal for the 2006 girls’ soccer
clinic was to raise more awareness about girls’ soccer in Afghanistan
by recruiting players and coaches and providing them with the tools
necessary to improve the current status of girl’s soccer in Afghanistan.
Assessed Needs
Afghanistan’s infrastructure is still in its rebuilding phase
and one key area that needs to be addressed is youth sports. There are
many lessons that children can learn from playing sports: leadership,
self-confidence, unity, and teamwork towards a common goal. As a result
of thirty years of continuous warfare, most Afghan children have not
had the opportunity to play sports nor have they received the proper
training and coaching in order to achieve a high level of success in
athletics. A social structure now exists that will allow new athletic
programs to be introduced.
Schools are operational again, but there is further need to incorporate
athletics into the curriculum. Afghan children have some access to athletic
facilities such as basketball and volleyball courts, but they would
benefit from formal training in order to learn the rules, regulations,
techniques and drills necessary to master their sport. In addition to
the physical benefits, an active sports program would provide children
with a therapeutic outlet to release emotions resulting from witnessing
years of warfare.
Currently, few people are addressing the need to rebuild youth sports
programs in Afghanistan even though a strong program would help cultivate
future coaches, Olympic athletes and provide Afghan children with the
skills they may also apply to their own society and government as adults.
AYSE aims to provide dynamic leadership and athletic training in the
hope that young athletes will start sports programs in their schools.
By working to break down gender barriers, athletics can become an effective
tool to address human rights issues for women in developing countries
like Afghanistan. According to Article 10(g) and 13(c) of the Office
of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, boys and girls should receive
the same opportunities to participate actively in sports and physical
education and, boys and girls should also be given the right to participate
in recreational activities, sports and all aspects of cultural life
(United Nations, 1981). Until 1978, when Afghanistan was invaded by
Soviet forces, Afghanistan’s culture was progressive towards providing
equal opportunities for education and athletics to both boys and girls.
Afghanistan fielded local school girls’ teams in various sports
including basketball and volleyball. Human rights and equal access to
athletics was not a concern. Today though, the youth sports structure
in Afghanistan has deteriorated and both boys and girls suffer from
a lack of adequate programs for youth sports. The AYSE with the ANOC
and the AFF is providing the framework for programs that will once again
allow for an equal playing field and ensure that human rights through
athletics are upheld in Afghanistan for boys and girls.
Athletics is able to address human rights issues internationally because
of the positive life lessons it instills in children. In a recent briefing
report on using sports to create spaces and build social assets for
female athletes, Martha Brady (2005, p. 2) with the Population Council,
notes that athletics offers girls access to and visibility in the public
sphere, allowing them opportunities to:
By providing access to the public sphere, equality becomes a necessity
in society and young girls in Afghanistan will be able to gain strength
from athletics to become proactive in their community once again. The
2006 AYSE Girls Soccer Clinic was able to address basic human rights
issues by leveling the playing field for female athletes and giving
them equal access to equipment, fields and coaches.
In addition, gender roles in Afghanistan are very strict with a stark
line between men and women. Athletics for women can help to break down
current gender norms. Today, Afghan women are becoming more involved
in society after 30 years of war. They are now running for President
and being elected to seats in the new Parliament. Athletics for girls
can work to further reintegrate women in society, returning Afghanistan
to the egalitarian society, which existed up until 1978, prior to the
Soviet invasion. According to Brady “by seeing girls in this new
action-oriented role, boys learn about the strengths, capabilities and
contributions of girls and women, which in turn may begin to reshape
male traditional gender roles. In brief, sport helps transform the ways
girls view themselves and the ways in which their families, boys and
communities perceive them.” (2005, p. 2)
Athletics is also an effective tool that developing countries have utilized
to promote peace building among groups. The Swiss Foundation for World
Affairs (2004) noted that “Sports are an effective but highly
undervalued tool in peace building and development. If systematically
employed, sports can improve public health, reduce violence, diminish
social and ethnic tensions in conflict regions and help build more inclusive
communities.”
For developing countries like Afghanistan, athletics has the ability
to address a number of social issues in a constructive manner towards
breaking down current gender barriers and human rights concerns.
Objectives and Goals Achieved (2004-06)
With the support of the Afghanistan National Olympic Committee (ANOC)
and the Afghanistan Football
Federation (AFF) AYSE has:
1. Built athletic and leadership skills among girls and young women
Activity Goals:
Goals Achieved:
2. Created regular activities by forming city-wide girls’ soccer
leagues.
Activity Goals:
Goals Achieved:
3. Created an open forum to identify needs of girls and young women
Activity Goals:
Goals Achieved:
Overall Success and Deliverables
Follow-up
The 2006 AYSE Girls Soccer Clinic was a success. The clinic laid the
foundation for future sports camps in Afghanistan so that AYSE can reach
out to more girls and boys in an effort to teach athletic and leadership
skills to the future generation of leaders for Afghanistan.
Sports have the power to create a strong social network among children,
in particular youth. “Affiliation with a recognized team or group
provides girls with a sense of belonging and their role as a team member
can give girls an identity beyond the domestic realm” (Brady,
2005, p. 3).
AYSE in the Media
The 2006 AYSE Girls Soccer Clinic and tournament were featured on ESPN
during the 2006 ESPY Awards. Millions of viewers tuned in to the 2006
ESPY Awards and had an opportunity to learn about the lives of two of
the AYSE soccer girls, Shamila Kohestani and Roia Ahmad, both of whom
received the Arthur Ashe Award for Courage on behalf of girls’
soccer in Afghanistan. The film showcased the positive impact soccer
has had on the girls’ lives and explored the lives of women in
Afghanistan since the fall of the Taliban.
In addition to the ESPN ESPY Awards feature, the 2006 AYSE Girls Soccer
Clinic was featured on ABC Nightly News, Glamour Magazine, SportsIllustrated.com
and The New York Daily News. For more information on AYSE contact Awista Ayub,
AYSE Founder and Director, at Awista@afghansports.org.
Please log onto the AYSE website at www.afghansports.org.
References
Brady, M. (2005). Letting girls play: Using sport
to create safe spaces and build social assets. Population Council
Brief no. 1 May 2005 – Promoting health, safe and productive transitions
to adulthood, 1-4.
Swiss Foundation for World Affairs. (2004, November
1). More than just a game: The role of sports in international relations.
Retrieved from www.sportanddev.org.
United Nations. (1981, September 2). Convention
on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women.
Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights. Retrieved from: http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu3/b/e1cedaw.htm.
|
Abstract
This paper considers the relationship between human rights and animal
welfare, with particular reference to the United Kingdom. It provides
an analysis of recent court decisions concerning the legality of legislation
that bans hunting with hounds in England and Wales and considers whether
that legislation complies with the provisions of the European Convention
on Human Rights. Certain legal and factual weaknesses in the hunting
fraternity’s case are highlighted, notably those concerning the
ambit of Articles 8 and 11 of the European Convention on Human Rights
and the putative conservation and other benefits of hunting with hounds.
Introduction
The subject matter of this paper is the relationship
between human rights and animal welfare in the United Kingdom, and particularly
the role played by the legislature and the courts in the recent development
of that relationship within the specific context of hunting with hounds.
In order to explore that issue, and in deference to the writer’s
academic subject background, the paper takes the form of an extended case
note on a recent judgment of the England and Wales Court of Appeal, namely
R v HM Attorney General, ex parte the Countryside Alliance. 1
The case represents the latest, and perhaps the
final, round of the hunting fraternity’s ongoing struggle with the
legislature over the criminalisation of hunting with hounds in England
and Wales. 2 That struggle commenced in earnest in 1997, when
the Labour party incorporated into its election manifesto a clear commitment
to ban hunting with hounds in the event of it being successful in that
year’s general election. Following Labour’s electoral victory,
there ensued a conflict between the government of the day and MPs on all
sides over what the provisions of the anti-hunting legislation should
be; this was followed by the House of Lords attempting to reject the legislation
passed by the House of Commons, and subsequently by litigation that sought
to have the legislation struck down on the ground that the legislative
procedures used for enacting it were themselves unlawful. 3
While those aspects of the hunting debate fall outside the scope of this
paper, they provide a fascinating insight into the political and constitutional
issues underpinning it; what follows should be read with that background
in mind. 4
The legislative history
The Hunting Act 2004, s. 1 rendered unlawful an
activity that had, on its face, taken place on British soil since the
iron age; namely, riding on horseback in order to facilitate the hunting
of a wild animal with a dog or a pack of dogs. Hunting a wild animal with
a dog, or assisting others to do so, is now a criminal offence punishable
by a fine, currently not exceeding £5000. 5 There is
a defence if the activity is exempt because it amounts to stalking or
flushing the animal out of cover, carried out in order to reduce or prevent
serious damage to game or wild birds kept for the purposes of their being
shot. 6
An important aspect of the case, so far as the human
rights element is concerned, is that the legislation eventually enacted
was not that which the government had envisaged. After the Labour government’s
coming to power in 1997, the implementation of anti-hunting legislation
involved a long and convoluted process that culminated in the House of
Commons rejecting the government’s proposed hunt licensing scheme
in favour of an outright ban. Thereafter, the Commons was constrained
to invoke the Parliament Acts 1911 and 1949 to circumvent the largely
unelected and hereditary House of Lords’ failure to consent to the
Bill that had been passed by the elected House of Commons. 7 The
Commons, a majority of whose members were of the opinion that hunting
with hounds was cruel and that only an outright ban was appropriate, thus
won the day and the Hunting Act 2004 came into force in February 2005.
The claim
The applicants in ex p Countryside Alliance
challenged the legislation on various grounds, namely the Act’s
alleged incompatibility with the European Convention on Human Rights 1953
and the ‘free movement’ provisions of European Union law (which
fall outside the scope of this paper). The most significant Convention
provisions were Article 8 (right to privacy and right of respect for the
home); Article 11 (freedom of assembly and association); and Article 1
of the First Protocol (protection of property). Under the terms of the
Human Rights Act 1998 (the enactment of which was another central tenet
of Labour’s 1997 election manifesto), the UK courts are required
to consider whether UK law is compatible with these fundamental rights
and freedoms as enshrined in the Convention, and if it is not, to make
a declaration of incompatibility – a step that is tantamount to
declaring that the legislation in question is invalid. The claimants in
ex p Countryside Alliance (all of whom were heavily involved
in hunting and in some cases relied upon it for their livelihoods) 8
thus asserted that the Hunting Act 2004 was incompatible with Articles
8 and 11 and with the First Protocol, and sought a declaration to that
effect.
The challenge under Article 8 involved several aspects: first, that
the ban on hunting with hounds infringed the right to respect of the
participants’ private lives because, although hunting takes place
in the public sphere rather than in the home, it was central to the
lives of the claimants because it provided all or most of their recreational
pursuits and social outlets. Second, the fact that landowners who had
made their land available for hunting were no longer able to do so meant
there was an interference with the right to respect for their home.
Third, hunt servants would lose their jobs and, in some cases, their
homes if hunting were banned.
The Article 11 challenge alleged that the 2004 Act
amounted to a prohibition on, or significant interference with, hunt members’
freedom to associate in and around hunting. Finally, the challenge under
Article One of the First Protocol alleged that the Act deprived landowners
of property rights, and/or the right to peacefully enjoy them. For the
government, the Attorney General accepted there was a potential infringement
of the First Protocol, but asserted that ‘even taking the (Alliance’s)
case at its highest, the interference that is feared will not be of a
sufficient weight or level to engage the protection of the Convention’.
9
The decision
The court at first instance rejected the Article
8 challenge, and this decision was upheld on appeal. Both courts took
the view that the principles emanating from the existing case law on aspects
of Article 8 did not extend to cover the circumstances to hand, 10
for any ruling to the contrary would ‘confer a broad right to do
anything a person chooses to do, privately or publicly, alone or in conjunction
with others’.11 At first instance May, LJ said that although
‘the ban scarcely impinges on (hunters’) personality or development,
nor intrudes upon essential social relationships…(and while) those
for whose families hunting has been a central, personal and community
activity for generations may stand differently…the number of people
affected to the extent that they are able to at least make a case for
interference under Article 8 must be quite small. This would affect the
question of justification and proportionality’12 which
is considered below.
As to the possibility that some of the applicants would lose their jobs
or their homes if the Act were to remain in force, the Court of Appeal
commented that:
However much one may sympathise … the last 50
years have seen the destruction, for various reasons, of many people’s
way of life in this country, often by deliberate decisions by government.
The collapse of the heavy manufacturing and the coal-mining industries
are just two cases in point.… Even if the feared consequences do
arise (an outcome that is still far from certain) they will not be caused
by any lack of respect in Article 8 terms for the appellants’ private
or family life or for their homes. We do not consider that any question
of respect for their private life or family life or their home comes into
play. 13
A finding to the contrary would amount to upholding
that an individual has a ‘right to work’ – a concept
that Lord Denning, MR had come dangerously close to upholding in Nagle
v Fielden, 14 but one that has no basis in English law.
Finally, the court also noted that the European
Court of Human Rights had previously ruled in Bullock v United Kingdom
15 that the keeping of pets is not a right under Article 8
so the possibility of having to kill dogs, and perhaps horses, that had
hitherto been used for hunting purposes did not invoke the Convention16–
a point that illustrates the distinction that must be drawn between animal
welfare and any concept of animal ‘rights’ under Convention
jurisprudence.
The Article 11 claim that was also rejected at first
instance, this time on the ground that the 2004 Act only indirectly prevented
people from meeting: put another way, it prevented them meeting for the
purposes of engaging in the hunt and had not directly affected their freedom
of association. By way of analogy, ‘we should not, for instance,
be inclined to hold that banning the consumption of spirits would interfere
with the freedom to assemble and associate at a public house of those
who only drink whisky or gin’. 17
On appeal, it was recognised by counsel for the
Countryside Alliance that given the court of first instance and the Court
of Appeal’s unwillingness to countenance the wide interpretation
of Article 8 that would have been necessary for the hunting lobby to succeed
under that head, there was little chance of it being willing to do so
in respect of the Article 11 claim. 18 Notwithstanding that,
the Court of Appeal affirmed that ‘it cannot be said that the Hunting
Act interferes with the right of the appellants to assemble.
All that it does is to prohibit a particular activity once the appellants
have assembled’. 19
In contrast, both the court at first instance and
the Court of Appeal were willing to countenance that rights under the
First Protocol had been infringed. This was due largely to the fact that
the lawyers for the Attorney General had conceded as much – albeit
only to the extent that the ban diminished the value of land and other
property or damaged the established goodwill of a hunting-related business.
20 While this may seem a questionable admission to make given
that the European Court of Human Rights had previously stated 21
that hunting, including hunting with dogs, was essentially a leisure activity
‘notwithstanding the history and culture associated with it and
other benefits it may bring’, 22 it can better be seen
as a pragmatic concession that afforded the Court of Appeal an opportunity
to consider whether the legislation was a justifiable, proportionate response
to the evil that Parliament sought to remedy.
Space considerations prevent the detailed exploration that this most
complex of issues merits. However, put at its most straightforward,
one can say that once the Commons had decided in the course of its debates
that hunting with hounds was an inherently cruel pastime – a finding
it was perfectly at liberty to reach given the weight of scientific
and popular opinion - its decision to press for an outright, total ban
on the practice was an entirely appropriate response. This was the case
even though the government of the day had favoured a licensing system
over outright prohibition, the government’s view being that licences
ought to be available in circumstances where hunting with hounds represented
‘least suffering’ in situations where conservation requirements
demanded that the population of deer, foxes, hare or mink be controlled.
On this matter the Court of Appeal said as follows:
Had (the aim of the Act) been ‘least suffering’…then
no doubt the court would have to look carefully at whatever reasons the
legislature might have had for thinking that in a particular case hunting
did not meet the test of least suffering, and therefore should be banned
for that reason, taken on its own. But that is not the case. Because of
the view taken of the implications for hunting as a sport, what is required
is that there should have been sufficient material available to the legislators
to conclude that hunting does impose suffering on the quarry, and for
that reason is not acceptable as a sport. 24
Put another way, an outright ban was appropriate for
that which the Commons sought to remedy – the inherent cruelty of
hunting with hounds, which seriously compromised the welfare of all quarry
species. This was not a view from which the Commons had been swayed notwithstanding
the government’s invoking of notions of ‘least suffering’
or the requirements of conservation. Both the court of first instance
and the Court of Appeal were in agreement that ‘once that objection
is identified, and is recognised as a legitimate basis for legislation,
then a total ban was clearly a proportionate response’. 25
Discussion
From the 1750s, the regulation of hunting with hounds
in the UK had stood in marked contrast to the regulation of other animal
sports, which had been largely policed out of existence by the late 1800s.
Hunting with hounds survived because it was a highly specialised ‘gentlemen’s’
pursuit, governed by conventions that participants strictly adhered to
– specifically an ‘honour code’, under which ‘while
hunting the fox, gentlemen strictly refrained from pursuing and killing
any other animals which came their way…even though it might serve
as a most desirable delicacy’. 26 This was ‘killing
by proxy’, the actual task being delegated to the hounds and the
honour code surrounding the event encompassing the organisation, dress
codes, and other paraphernalia as well as extending to the care afforded
to horses and hounds both before and after the event.
The effect of this ‘honour code’ distinguishes
the contemporary version of hunting with hounds from the earlier manifestations
with which the hunting fraternity were keen to claim a historical link
in ex p Countryside Commission. 27 In times past,
‘the pleasurable excitement of the hunt had been a kind of fore
pleasure experienced in anticipation of the real pleasure – the
pleasures of killing and eating’. Foxes, deer, mink and hare were
‘a constant menace to the chicken-run, to the geese and ducks of
peasantry and gentry’ and people of all classes enjoyed ‘the
pleasure of hunting and killing animals in whatever way they could and
ate as many of them as they liked’. 28 The ‘honour
code’ of the more recent vintage has served to make a comparatively
easy activity – finding a fox and killing it – less straightforward,
the sole purpose for the existence of those rules being ‘not because
it was felt to be immoral or unfair to kill a fox outright, but because
the excitement of the hunt itself had become increasingly the main source
of enjoyment for the human participants’. 29 The development
and acceptance of these behavioural restraints upon the use of physical
force thus reflects a shift towards taking pleasure in seeing violence
done rather than in doing it oneself, but this exercise in self-restraint
ultimately serves to distinguish those from whom hunting was a source
of leisure from those for whom it was a source of food, an economic necessity
but one that could attract deportation or the death penalty if it contravened
the provisions on poaching. 30
Thus regarded, hunting with hounds has little to
distinguish it from illegal animal sports such as cock-fighting, badger-baiting
and pig-sticking: the pleasure is in seeing violence done, the putative
conservation benefits largely incidental, and its links to ancient history
purely mythological. Indeed, as part of its claim under the provisions
of European Union free movement law the Countryside Alliance made much
of the fact that people travelled from throughout the European Union in
order to participate in fox hunting and specialised travel agencies existed
to facilitate the same. At no stage did it suggest that those individuals
did so in order to assist in a conservation exercise - they did so in
order to ride horses and kill foxes and in this aspect the hunting lobby
was implicitly acknowledging, contrary to the whole basis of its claim,
that the putative livestock conservation benefits of hunting with hounds
were purely incidental. The figures bear this out, for fox hunting accounts
for less than 10% of the 250,000 fox deaths that occur each year, while
in contrast 80,000 are shot and 100,000 are killed on the roads. Furthermore,
it costs £70,000 to kill a single fox by hunting it 31,
and while most people would accept that fox populations have to be managed,
not by any stretch can hunting with hounds be regarded as an efficient
or cost-effective exercise in fox population control.
Ex p Countryside Alliance illustrates that
considerations of animals’ welfare can fetter human rights: the
rights of individuals to engage in whatever leisure pursuits they wish,
to utilise their real property in whatever ways they choose, or to enjoy
the same lifestyle ad infinitum are not immune to animal welfare
considerations. While that was the situation prior to the emergence of
a discrete body of human rights jurisprudence, the case further delineates
the scope of those restrictions. Although it would certainly be over-stretching
the case to assert that animals have ‘rights’ under English
law that are in any way analogous to human rights, the recent judicial
and legislative history of hunting with hounds illustrates that ‘human
rights’ do not afford a license to act with impunity; particularly
in the face of other, no less compelling, interests.
1 [2006] EWCA Civ 817,
upholding the first instance decision in Countryside Alliance v Attorney General [2005] EWHC 1677.
2 The Scottish executive had already outlawed hunting with hounds in Scotland under the Protection of Wild Animals (Scotland) Act 2002
3 Jackson v Attorney General
[2005] 4 All ER 1253.
4 For more on those aspects see Burns, S (2006) ‘When is an Act of Parliament not an Act of Parliament? 156 New Law Journal 191 and Samuels, A (2003) ‘Is the Parliament Act 1949 Valid?’ 24 Statute Law Review 237.
5 Hunting Act 2004, s. 6
6 Hunting Act 2004, Sch. 1. The exemption
is available only if the animal is then shot dead as soon as possible
after being flushed out: put another way, the animal must not be killed
by the dogs that have flushed it out. One of the hunting lobby’s main
objections to the legislation is the apparent impossibility of enforcing
this provision.
7 Burns, op cit. While the predominance in the legislative chamber’s upper house of unelected, unaccountable, right-wing, public-school educated white men continues to be a source of amazement and amusement to colleagues in other jurisdictions, the author feels obliged, reluctantly, to share on this occasion the opinion of the late and unlamented Enoch Powell MP – namely, that the system history has bequeathed us is no worse than the alternatives.
8 Countryside Alliance v Attorney
General [2005] EWHC 1677, paras 31-55.
9 [2006] EWCA Civ 817, at para 17.
10 The Countryside Alliance had argued
that the hunting fraternity’s Article 8 claim was analogous to the rights
asserted in, inter alia, Pretty v United Kingdom (2002) 35 EHRR
1 (on the putative right of a terminally ill person to end their own life);
Peck v United Kingdom (2003) 36 EHRR 41 (privacy rights of an
individual caught on camera trying to commit suicide); and Bruggemann
v Germany (1981) 3 EHRR 244 (termination of an unwanted pregnancy).
11 [2005] EWHC 1677, at para 120
per May, LJ.
12 [2005] EWHC 1677, at para 135.
13 [2006] EWCA Civ 817, at para 103
per Ld Phillips, MR.
14 [1966] 1 All ER 689, a case arising
from the requirement that a female trainer of horses be registered with
the Jockey Club under the name of her (male) head stable-boy rather than
under her own.
15 (1996) 21 EHRR CD 85
16 [1995] EHHC 1677, at para 128.
17 [2005] EWHC 677, at para 158 per
Laws, LJ. See also Anderson v United Kingdom [1998] 25 EHRR,
CD 172.
18 [2006] EWCA Civ 817, at para 106.
19 [2006] EWCA Civ 817, at para 107
per Lord Phillips, MR. Emphasis in original.
20 [2005] EWHC 1677, at para 166.
21 In Chassagnou v France (2000)
29 EHRR 615.
22 [2005] EWHC 1677, at para 124
per May, LJ.
23 As outlined in, for example, the
Burns Report into Hunting, which was instigated at the behest of the Home
Secretary in 1999 and carries a detailed investigation into the scientific
and other evidence: http://www.huntinginquiry.gov.uk
(last accessed 11th August 2006).
24 2006] EWCA Civ 817, at para 120
per Lord Phillips, MR.
25 [2006] EWCA Civ 817, at para 123
per Lord Phillips, MR.
26 Elias, N and Dunning, E (1986)
Quest for Excitement: Sport and Leisure in the Civilising Process
(Oxford: Blackwell): 160.
27 [2005] EWHC 1677, at paras 22 - 26
28 Elias and Dunning, op cit: 161.
29 Elias and Dunning, op cit: 166.
30 Thomson, E (1974) ‘The Crime of
Anonymity’ in Hay, D et. al Albion’s Fatal Tree (London: Penguin).
31Martin, B (1999) ‘Animal Protection and the Red Fox: Could Licensing Provide an Answer?’ 1(3) Environmental Law Review 196.
Dr David McArdle School of Law, University of Stirling, Scotland United Kingdom d.a.mcardle@stir.ac.uk |
"Racism is the biggest problem facing football across Europe. People
may think it has disappeared, but it hasn't. It's time for us all to take
a stand - players, fans and authorities. It's time to stand up and speak
up." Thierry Henry Professional Football Player, Arsenal |
Stand Up Speak Up is a campaign that empowers true
football fans to show their opposition to racism.
Following an increase in reports of racists incidents in football across
Europe, Arsenal and France striker Theirry Henry joined forced with
other top players from across Europe, and with Nike, his sponsor, to
create the Stand Up Speak Up campaign to protest against
the continuing problem. The campaign has been designed to encourage
the 'silent majority' of non-racist fans to speak up against racist
abuse in stadiums.
“One of the problems for players when they hear abuse is what
to do about it at the time on the pitch. Imagine being abused because
of the colour of your skin while trying to do your job. It's difficult
to keep your cool on the pitch when you hear this kind of stuff, but
if you let it affect you it means the racists have won,” said
Henry.
The symbol of the campaign is the black and white wristband. Players
and fans have been wearing them to show they support Theirry Henry's
campaign and their disgust at racist behavior in stadiums and in the
game. All funds resulting from the sale of the wristbands are donated
to the Stand Up Speak Up Fund and The King Baudouin
Foundation. The Foundation conducts research regarding practices in
anti-racism campaigns and projects to ensure that funds are distributed
effectively to organizations and projects working against racism in
football.
“I am not naïve enough to think the campaign will change
everything just like that, but it's obvious that standing by and doing
nothing won't change things either,” stated Henry.
Source: http://www.standupspeakup.com
Contact: Ann de Mol KING BAUDOUIN FOUNDATION (BELGIUM) http://www.kbs-frb.be Rue de Brederodestraat 21 B-1000 Brussels - Belgium Telephone: + 32 2 511 1840 DEMOL.A@Kbs-frb.be |
The Center for the Study of Sport in Society at Northeastern University
has developed the Athletes for Human Rights program through its offices
in Boston, Massachusetts. The mission of Athletes for Human Rights is
to research, educate and advocate human rights in and through sport,
focusing on the role of athletes and sport to impact social change locally,
nationally and globally.
The vision of Athletes for Human Rights is for the world community to
recognize athletes as leaders for social change and sport as a vehicle
for promoting human rights. The world community will also value the
contributions of athletes and sport in advancing equality and human
rights. "Athletes for Human Rights will be a vehicle for empowering, valuing
and respecting the role of athletes and sport in the promotion of human
rights and social change," said Peter Roby, director of Sport in
Society. Athletes for Human Rights creates a space for the sporting world to
deliberately connect the arena of sport with global affairs. Athletes
interested in promoting human rights are offered support and tools to
enable them to make a difference through the Athletes for Human Rights
program. Athletes and sports leaders will now have a place to learn
and understand the potential positive impact of embracing human rights
in and through sport. The human rights framework allows athletes across
various backgrounds and borders to come together to support and embrace
each other. In February 2006 the School for Human Rights (SHR) and Human Rights
Education Associates (HREA) partnered with Sport in Society to host
the School for Human Rights (SHR) Olympics focusing on sport and human
rights at the school in Brooklyn, New York. The three-day event promoted
Olympism as the human rights and social justice philosophy of the Olympic
Movement. "HREA's work at the School for Human Rights is making the human
rights framework relevant to all students. Sport in Society helped to
develop a new way of presenting Human Rights to students-through sport,"
said Jessamyn Waldman, HREA program associate and representative at
SHR.
Source: http://www.sportinsociety.org
Contact: Athletes for Human Rights Center for the Study of Sport in Society Northeastern University 716 Columbus Ave., Suite 161 Boston, MA 02120 Phone: 617-373-4025 Fax: 617-373-4566 Email: sportinsociety@neu.edu Website: http://www.sportinsociety.org |
Abstract
Although we generally do not think of athletes as being engaged in the
struggle to end human rights abuses, there are numerous examples in
the history of sports of athletes using the playing field for political
purposes. Across the globe, athletes have joined in the struggle to
end such atrocities as racism, sexism, homophobia, ethnic cleansing,
war, ableism, environmental destruction and labor abuses. Although most
athletes steer clear of political issues and try to remain objective
or indifferent, those who do venture into the realm of political discourse
make an interesting case study. In an effort to better understand why
some athletes feel compelled to mesh the role of athlete with the role
of social activist, I have been collecting interviews and gathering
media accounts of athletes who engage in social and political activism
while in their role as athlete. What follows is a brief discussion of
some preliminary findings.
Activist Athletes and Human Rights: Some Preliminary Research Notes
One of the most enduring images in sports within the past one hundred
years is that of United States sprinters Tommie Smith and John Carlos
on the medal dias for the 200 meter sprint at the 1968 Olympic games
in Mexico City, Mexico. Gold-medal winner Smith and bronze-medal winner
Carlos stood barefoot on the podium with their fists raised in the infamous
Black Power salute. As later recounted by Smith, their gesture was a
well-planned symbolic statement: “My raised right hand stood for
the power in Black America. Carlos’s raised left hand stood for
the unity of Black America. Together they formed an arch of unity and
power. The black scarf around my neck stood for Black pride. The black
socks with no shoes stood for Black poverty in racist America. The totality
of our efforts was the regaining of Black dignity” (Edwards, 1969).
Smith and Carlos were involved with the Olympic Project for Human Rights
(OPHR). OPHR was formed by sociologist Harry Edwards to encourage Black
athletes to boycott the 1968 Olympic Games in protest of the injustices
that Blacks experienced in the United States. When the boycott fell
through, athletes decided upon their own personal protests of which
Smith and Carlos’ is by far the most well known.
Although the symbolic, non-violent protest of Smith and Carlos is one
of the most famous examples of athletic activism, it is by no means
the only one. Sports history is filled with examples of athletes using
the playing field as a medium to publicize violations in human rights.
Issues such as racism, sexism, homophobia, ethnic cleansing, war, ableism,
environmental destruction and labor abuses have been touted by athletes
across the globe in an effort to have such abuses eradicated. While
most athletes do not engage in social and political activism, it is
interesting to consider why some athletes do feel compelled to mesh
the role of athlete with the role of social activist. In an effort to
address this issue, I have been collecting interviews and gathering
media accounts of athletes who engage in social and political activism
while in their role as athlete. This article will offer some preliminary
findings of my research.
Sport sociologist Stanley Eitzen (1999) suggests that individuals who
engage in sport are no more likely to develop positive social values
such as good citizenship than their non-athletic peers. However, some
athletes have been able to “walk in the shoes of others”
and recognize that they are not, nor should they be, unaffected by the
suffering of strangers. For Kevin McMahon, a two-time U.S. Olympian
and national champion in the hammer throw, this attitude of connectedness
with others became particularly salient when he realized he was benefiting
directly from the unjust working conditions of Third World laborers.
For McMahon, the issue was the sweatshop labor that produced the clothes
he used to wear so proudly. One day while driving home from practice
he was listening to a radio program and the host was doing a show about
human rights violations in the Central American sweatshops that manufacture
NBA jerseys. In an interview, he shared how he was particularly bothered
by the report when he realized these “people are doing honest
work and they’re being exploited.” He then began to think
about his own involvement in this situation: “And then it really
hit home that, wait a minute, I might not be an NBA basketball player,
but I do have a form in my life when I walk out with logos all over
me and it made me really look at that for the very first time.”
The more he thought about it, the more powerful the issue became, and
in his interview he continued:
It was a real difficult time for my conscience because I previously
had no qualms wearing Reebok or Adidas or whatever. I’m an athlete,
so it was cool that that’s what you were wearing. And it was free.
Why wouldn’t you wear it? But it nearly sickened me to think that
for those however many years I was advertising for these people. That
I was promoting their stuff. That I, in my ignorance, had possibly caused
harm to these people that are just being exploited. And I think there
was that sense of guilt and that sense of responsibility. If you just
look at the countries that they’ve [the sportswear companies]
hopped from one to the other, it’s a who’s who of countries
that really desperately need jobs, desperately need money and they take
advantage of that. And it’s great that they give them jobs but
they could treat them more like human beings.
In sociological terms, McMahon was being reflexive–he was recognizing
the inherent biases in his own actions and, subsequently, how these
actions were detrimental to the lives of others. Major League Baseball’s
Carlos Delgado provides a similar example. In 2004, Delgado was an All
Star baseball player for the Toronto Blue Jays when he protested the
United States invasion of Iraq by not standing for the playing of “God
Bless America” during the seventh inning of every baseball game.
Delgado’s decision to be one of the only professional athletes
in a major North American sport to protest the war in Iraq is “rooted
in his native Puerto Rico, where for six decades the US Navy tested
myriad weapons by bombing the small island of Vieques off the country’s
eastern coast” (Pollak, 2004, p. 12). After one of these bombs
killed a civilian in 1999, Delgado got involved in the protest movement
to stop the United States Navy bombings on Vieques (which was finally
ended in May 2003). For Delgado, the decision to become an activist
not only grew out of his social relationships but also his cultural
milieu. Like Kevin McMahon, Carlos Delgado does not see his role as
an athlete as being mutually exclusive from his role as activist. In
fact, both athletes used their connection to sport to bolster and justify
their argument for becoming an activist and fighting against what they
perceive to be abuses in human rights.
One of the most famous protests against human rights abuses occurred
when Muhammad Ali refused induction into the United States Army during
the Vietnam War. At the time, Ali was the heavyweight boxing champion
of the world but his deep religious beliefs gave him the conviction
to refuse the draft and protest the human rights abuses occurring in
Southeast Asia. In defending his decision not to be inducted, Ali stated
eloquently:
Why should they ask me to put on a uniform and go 10,000 miles from
home and drop bombs and bullets on Brown people in Vietnam while so-called
Negro people in Louisville are treated like dogs and denied simple human
rights? No I’m not going 10,000 miles from home to help murder
and burn another poor nation simply to continue the domination of white
slave masters of the darker people the world over. This is the day when
such evils must come to an end. I have been warned that to take such
a stand would cost me millions of dollars. But I have said it once and
I will say it again. The real enemy of my people is here. I will not
disgrace my religion, my people or myself by becoming a tool to enslave
those who are fighting for their own justice, freedom and equality.
If I thought the war was going to bring freedom and equality to 22 million
of my people they wouldn’t have to draft me, I’d join tomorrow.
I have nothing to lose by standing up for my beliefs. So I’ll
go to jail, so what? We’ve been in jail for 400 years (quoted
in Marqusee, 1999, pp. 214-5).
That there are indeed athletes who become activists is somewhat fascinating
especially given the culture of sports, particularly in the United States.
The phenomena of the activist athletes, no matter how small their number,
begs the question of how and why they became activists. Why anyone becomes
an activists and attempts to “make history” (Flacks 1988)
is a question that has intrigued sociologists, particularly those who
study social movements and social change (McAdam 1986, 1988; Snow, Zurcher
& Ekland-Olson, 1986). Much of this work employed ideas from network
analysis to explain the process through which an individual assumes
the personal and social identity of an activist. In this framework,
it is not so much the character traits of individuals but rather, the
social interactions in which they find themselves. Emirbayer and Goodwin
(1994) point out that social behavior does not arise from individuals’
norms and attributes nor does it arise from the categories in which
people find themselves (or place themselves); rather, social behavior
arises from their involvement in structured social relations: “One
can never simply appeal to such attributes as class membership or class
consciousness, political party affiliation, age, gender, social status,
religious beliefs, ethnicity, sexual orientation, psychological predispositions,
and so on, in order to explain why people behave the way they do”
(pp. 1414-5). Instead, we need to focus on their patterns of relationships.
The importance of social relationships for cultivating an activist’s
identity is clearly evident in the athletes I have interviewed. When
asked to recount how they developed their activist consciousness, many
of these athletes point to family members, coaches and friends as their
guiding influence. For example, consider the case of Toni Smith, the
young woman from the United States who found herself in a firestorm
of world-wide media attention when she turned her back to the flag before
her Manhattanville College basketball games. For Toni, the structured
social relations that led her to activism can be traced to her family
and her peers:
“Both my grandmothers were very active. On one side she was very
active in forming unions and workers’ rights. My grandmother on
the other side was also kind of fighting for the same things during
that time. And my mother and my parents are very active in the Civil
Rights Movement, Vietnam War protests, also unionizing people and workers’
rights. So I remember going to marches and events when I was younger
although I didn’t fully know the significance. Like I remember
going to a lot of anti apartheid movements and UFT [United Federation
of Teachers] marches and stuff. [In college] I became very, very aware
my first semesters. I also met a few people who were in my classes who
were already very politically active and I went to events with them.
And that combined with my family who has always been political, and
I think they were kind of waiting for me to bust out of my shell or
be political or show some signs of promise”.
Although many activist athletes seem to fit the model put forth by the
network theorists that activism arises out of the interactional context
in which one finds oneself, there is still something distinctive about
their situation. Unlike most other activists whose actions not only
emanate from their social relations but also transpire within the company
of these social relations, the activist athlete is often acting alone.
The group that influenced and inspired their actions is usually (and
literally) sitting on the sidelines. Most activists have the luxury,
if we can call it that, of exerting their agency in the supportive community
of others. For such activists, like the Freedom Riders that McAdam (1988)
studied, social relationships not only cultivated their activist orientation
but such relationships also served as the socially interactive content
and context through which their actions occurred. However, the activist
athlete must be prepared to stand alone and bear the brunt of the attention.
Although activist athletes may have a network of supporters, these supporters
are usually not fellow athletes and are therefore relegated to a backstage
location. When an athlete makes a political statement on the playing
field, she or he is often unaccompanied during the protest and consequently
the reactions to the activism are aimed directly at the athlete. This
“spotlight effect” may be a significant detriment to athletic
activism and is one of the reasons why so few athletes assume the role
of activist.
Conclusion
The athletes I am studying have engaged in social action to address
human rights abuses across the globe. Hopefully, other athletes will
heed their stories and follow their examples. Critics of activist athletes
often argue that athletes should play not pontificate and that the playing
field is no place for political protests. But how are athletes different
than business people, doctors and office workers? And how is the playing
field any different than the board room, the office or the town square?
No single group should be excluded from engaging in thoughtful political
and social discourse nor should any group have a monopoly on such issues.
This point was suggested to me in an interview with Bradley Saul, a
former professional cyclist and founder of Organic Athletes, an organization
dedicated to using sport to foster social change: “As citizens,
we have an obligation to be informed. [And] one does have an obligation
to be aware of injustices and to do something about them in whatever
capacity. And if you’re an athlete well then you can do it through
the tools you have as an athlete.”
Sport in contemporary society has tremendous national and international
consequences. Socially, politically, economically and culturally, it
is hard to identify another social institution (with the exception of
religion) that has such a wide scope of influence. In this context,
athletes should not only be allowed to express themselves, they should
be encouraged to do so. As members of the global community, we should
expect athletes to be informed, concerned and proactive. Moreover, we
should not be so naive to believe that sport and politics do not mix.
Once asked to speak about the intersection of religion and politics,
Mahatma Gandhi said, “Those who say that religion has nothing
to do with politics do not know what religion means” (Gandhi,
1957). I think we can learn from this insight and say the same about
athletics: Those who say that sport has nothing to do with politics
do not know what sport means.
References Eitzen, S. D. (1999). Fair and foul: Beyond the
myths and paradoxes of sport. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield.
Edwards, H. (1969). The revolt of the black athlete.
New York: Free Press.
Emirbayer, M. & Goodwin, J. (1994). Network analysis,
culture, and the problem of agency. American Journal of Sociology,
99, 1411-1454.
Flacks, R. (1988). Making history: The American
left and the American mind. New York: Columbia University Press.
Gandhi, M. (1957). An autobiography. Boston:
Beacon Press.
Marqusee, M. (1999). Redemption song: Muhammad
Ali and the spirit of the sixties. New York, NY: Verso.
McAdam, D. (1986). Recruitment to high risk activism:
The case of freedom summer. American Journal of Sociology, 92,
64-90.
McAdam, D. (1988). Freedom summer. New York:
Oxford University Press.
Pollak, R. (2004). Patriot at the bat. The Nation,
September 13, 2004.
Snow, D. A., L. A. Zurcher, Jr., & S. Ekland-Olson.
(1980). Social networks and social movements: A microstructural approach
to differential recruitment.” American
Sociological Review, 45,787-801. Contact: Dr. Peter Kaufman State University of New York at New Paltz New Paltz, New York USA kaufmanp@newpaltz.edu |
The author thanks Gene Zubrinsky of Ojai, Calif.,
for editorial assistance.
The Olympic Project for Human Rights (O.P.H.R.), a movement for social
equality and human rights, arose out of black student activism at San
Jose State College in 1967. Within its short history as an active organization
(1967–1968), the O.P.H.R. significantly impacted the prevailing,
naive view of sport as detached from politics—a bastion of brotherhood,
social harmony and understanding, where what counts is not the color
of one’s skin but only how well one plays the game. In orchestrating
black athletes’ well-publicized protests against social injustice,
the O.P.H.R. was an integral part of the mid-twentieth-century struggle
for human rights. Goals such as “[c]urtailment of participation
of all-white teams and individuals from the apartheid Union of South
Africa and Southern Rhodesia in all United States and Olympic events”
were paramount (Edwards, 1969, pp. 58–59).
O.P.H.R. veterans have followed with interest two recent projects with
sport-and-politics themes that could rekindle efforts to promote human
rights by exploiting that connection.
One is a project at San Jose State University involving the erection
of a statue of Tommie Smith and John Carlos of the O.P.H.R., with raised
gloved fists, on the victory stand at the 1968 Olympics in Mexico City.
The other is the History San José organization’s “Speed
City: Roots and Legacy” project, an outgrowth of the scholarship
and dedication of doctoral candidate Urla Hill. Both recall significant
organizations, activities and events at San Jose State that connect
sport and politics. These efforts to promote social reform on a national
and international level are important in the history of San Jose State
University and the City of San Jose.
There is little disagreement that the Smith–Carlos victory-stand
salute highlighted for the world the importance of taking a stand against
social injustice. San Jose State University and the City of San Jose’s
honoring of these athletes’ courage and sacrifice helps revive
interest in a global problem, in part by giving these men new opportunities
to publicly reiterate O.P.H.R. themes. (The organization’s philosophy
and goals are expressed in the concluding statement of the 1968 National
Conference on Black Power, in Philadelphia [see Edwards, 1969, pp. 179–180].)
While not as widely publicized as the statue honoring Smith and Carlos,
the “Speed City: Roots and Legacy” project is having the
same effect in bringing renewed attention to them, among others, and
to the Olympic Project for Human Rights. The name Speed City derives
from the high concentration of world-class black sprinters in San Jose
in the mid-1960s, many but not all of whom ran for San Jose State. They
are said to have been drawn there by the college’s long and rich
history of cultivating top, mostly black, sprinters. At a presentation
of “Speed City” sponsored by Barnes & Noble Booksellers
and History San José (attended and videotaped by the author)
the panelists spoke of pioneering the rise of judo as an Olympic sport
and breakthroughs in sprinting that led to world records. Eloquently
explaining the trials and tribulations of surviving in the face of widespread
racial discrimination, they won nods of agreement and empathy from the
audience. Over all, the large and receptive audience seemed old enough
to have attended college during the era of student protests. Their comments
implied they saw the black student movement of 1967–1968 clearly
and understood the flow of events, for the first time.
Later this year, an exhibit entitled “Speed City: From Civil Rights
to Black Power” is scheduled for presentation at the History San
José facility. It is a collection of sports memorabilia and information
contributed by coaches, athletes and the university. Plans for the collection
to tour the country include various athletes presenting the history
and promoting education, equality and the struggle for human rights.
Much work lies ahead for all who are willing. Projects like the Smith–Carlos
statue and “Speed City: Roots and Legacy” are timely developments
that may help sensitize us to the persistence of social inequality and
reignite the struggle against it. This discussion and the projects mentioned
herein signal opportunities of joining together for common goals. Leading
up to the 2008 Olympic Games and the 40th anniversary of the victory-stand
demonstration, it is high time for collaborating with those who are
committed to making the most of the current interest in the connection
of sport and politics on a national and international level.
References Edwards, H. (1969). The revolt of the Black
athlete. New York, NY: Free Press.
|
"I believe that sport is a birthright. Other animals may play
or learn to fight to protect their territory, but we are the only species
that takes part in sport. I believe this is because sport requires a
high level of thought. This is necessary to direct the body through
the dimensions of time and space, which all sport requires. Sports belong
to us all.
Opportunity to take part in sport is a measure of human rights. There
have been vicious acts of retaliation for taking part in sport. Exclusion
from sport based on sex, skin color, economic or political statuses
are all indicators that a society has failed in providing human rights.
It means that people have been denied access to a birthright." Anita DeFrantz Amateur Athletic Foundation International Olympic Committee |
Current Issues |
The environment of the Olympic Games: An Introduction
Abstract
Environmental factors can have an impact on performance in major sports
tournaments. The history of the modern Olympic Games illustrates how
environmental aspects influence the outcomes. Such factors have included
air quality (St Louis), pollution (Los Angeles), altitude (Mexico),
heat (Rome), for example. Travel schedules and jet-lag syndrome were
considerations for most nations competing in Sydney 2000, due to the
disharmony between local time and “body clock time” after
arrival in Australia. Acknowledging the potential for degrading competitive
performance, many competitors prepare coping strategies by acclimatisation,
acclimation or behavioural means. Weather conditions are unpredictable
well in advance and can deviate substantially from average climatic
data. Air ions and electric storms may have differential effects on
competitors and spectators. Contemporary athletes use projections for
Athens 2004, targeting heat and pollution as potential stressors. A
range of pollutants is also relevant to consider for Beijing, 2008.
Ecological issues have influence also, notably in the legacy left behind
for host cities.
Key words: Air quality, altitude,
heat, pollution, weather.
An Interdisciplinary Approach
Environmental factors have been relevant considerations in the modern
Olympic Games since the reinstallation of the Summer Olympics in 1896.
Physiological stressors have featured most prominently according to
climatic and local conditions. The history of the Olympic Games is marked
by examples of how performances are influenced by environmental variables.
In the events of the first half of the 20th Century, little was done
to take possible environmental extremes of heat into consideration when
planning the competitive schedule (4).
The modern Olympics have grown in scale as well as appeal. Hosting
the Games affords huge benefits for the organising nation, usually acquiring
a legacy of resources and facilities (and sometimes debt) for its own
community. The venues and installations change the local landscape in
a way not otherwise possible. The local infrastructure is transformed
in a major way to represent a huge economic investment for the future.
The global appeal of the Games raises its own pressures for related
commercial applications. Inevitably, there is a question about the Summer
Olympics (and Paralympic Games) as to whether its scale has outstripped
its ideals.
These considerations provide a background for treating environmental
issues in an interdisciplinary framework. The environment is interpreted
liberally for this purpose. Broad ecological questions may be raised
alongside known effects on athletes interacting with the Olympic environment.
In order to demonstrate the relevance of discrete environmental stresses,
some examples are first given from previous Games. These include heat,
altitude, travel stress and air pollution. Heat
It is clear that performance in events that entail high heat storage
may be degraded in hot conditions. Stresses are accentuated when high
relative humidity impairs evaporative heat loss. A radiant heat load
may further accentuate the strain on the athlete.
There are may instances of torrid conditions prevailing at the Olympic
Games, most notably in the men’s marathon. The event at Paris
in 1900 has been described as the “hottest Olympic marathon in
history” (3). Race-time temperature was reported as between 35ºC
and 39ºC. The extremely hot spell was a continuation of what had
been a very warm summer throughout France that year. Of the 16 starters,
only seven finished the course which at this time was over a distance
of 40.26 km.
There have been later instances of heat influencing performance of
Olympic competitors. Acknowledging the potential for negative impact
on performance, many athletes prepare coping strategies by using warm-weather
camps to gain the benefits of physiological acclimatisation. Such benefits
may also be acquired by periodic use of environmental chambers for simulating
hot conditions, the process being referred to as acclimation (5). There
is also something to be gained from experiencing the hot conditions
(even if there is insufficient exposure time for physiological acclimatisation)
so that the athlete may devise a strategy to cope in competition.
Projections for climatic conditions utilise meteorological databases
which may differ in detail from the competitive locations. Weather conditions
are inherently variable, are not highly predictable well in advance
and can at any time vary from the average climatic data provided by
meteorological sources. Nevertheless, sports science support programmes
utilise climatic data to prepare their athletes for exercise in the
heat. It is likely that the vast majority of competitors at the 2004
Olympic Games will have benefited from sport-specific advice about how
the environment in Athens might impact upon their performance. Altitude
Altitude is a common feature of the Winter Olympics, the winter sports
being associated with mountainous environments. The single instance
of altitude stress at the Summer Olympics was in Mexico, 1968. The results
from the Games demonstrated how performances in events largely dependent
on the oxygen transport system were impaired. In contract, the reduced
air density at altitude helped to enhance performance in sprint races
of up to an including 400 m and in the horizontal jumps (see Table 1).
All medallists in track-and-field at the Mexico Olympics in events
over 800 m and longer were either born or had trained at altitude. Subsequently
attention shifted from how to cope with competing at altitude to exploiting
the physiological adaptations to altitude in order to aid performance
at sea level. This change in emphasis has led to the widespread use
of altitude training camps in preparation for major tournaments. The
practice is now adopted across a range of sports including swimming
and rowing as well as running and cycling.
The use of altitude as a training stimulus has been extended to incorporate
altitude chambers located at sea-level. These may be the so-called “altitude
huts” or normobaric hypoxic chambers. Commercially available mobile
simulators alter the inspired oxygen tension to allow exercise hypoxia
to be experienced. Another resource is represented by the hypoxic tents
which allow the athlete to sleep in an enclosed environment with reduced
partial pressure of the oxygen being breathed in. This places emphasis
on habitual activity and living at altitude rather than training in
it. In view of the fact that the absolute exercise intensity is usually
reduced at altitude, an alternative strategy that is advocated for athletes
is to live for sojourns at altitude but return periodically to lower
levels in order to maintain the quality of training (2). Travel
Contemporary elite sport entails frequent travel, often over long durations
and distances. Indeed competing on a global basis and inter-continental
travel are lifestyle features of top performers. Major tournaments are
dispersed throughout the world so that the personal attraction of visiting
foreign countries is often tempered by the disruption and inconvenience
associated with the trip.
Recent Olympic Games have forced European athletes in particular to
consider their itineraries carefully. The summer Olympics of 1996 entailed
travel across multiple time-zones westward whereas the Sydney Games
required a greater displacement in an easterly direction. The Winter
Olympics in Nagano 1998 and Salt Lake City in 2002 also highlighted
the need for the European national teams to possess a travel strategy.
A similar situation prevails for European countries competing in Beijing
2008, or travelling to China beforehand for the purpose of a “dry
run”.
Travel strategies separate the hassle of travel and associated travel
fatigue from the desynchronisation of the body clock due to the mismatch
between the new local time and the body’s circadian rhythm. The
disruption is characterised by the syndrome of jet-lag (6). Whilst the
body clock is readjusting gradually to the new time zone, performance
can be affected. Pharmacological means of accelerating the adjustment
have proved to be less effective in athletes than have behavioural methods
(1). Exercise and training can play a role but lifestyle factors are
critical. Air Quality
A concern in urban areas is the quality of the air the inhabitants
breathe in. The level of pollution has been a consideration at Olympic
Games venues in the past, notably Mexico in 1968 and Los Angeles in
1984. Yet evidence of air quality affecting competitors is available
from the Summer Olympics 100 years ago.
The marathon course at St. Louis in 1904 was held over a rural road
surface. The runners were preceded by the new generation of motor cars,
scattered haphazardly amongst them (3). The clouds of dust generated
by the cars practically suffocated the runners moving in their wake.
Such lack of concern for the athletes was characteristic of sports spectacles
at this time.
Many teams visiting Athens before the 2004 Games have been able to
acquire their own data close to competitive venues for the concentration
of atmospheric pollutants. Athens is built on a basin, surrounded on
three sides by mountains and open to the sea. The topology and industry
in the basin and surrounding plains result in very high pollution levels.
The 90th percentile values shown in Table 1 demonstrate how Athens is
inferior to London for a range of environmental pollutants. These include
ozone, nitrogen dioxide, particulate matter less than 10 microns in
diameter (PM10s) and black smoke. The likelihood of vulnerable individuals
such as asthmatics being adversely affected in the environment of Athens
has been an issue with medical staff of competing teams.
The vagaries of climate place some sports at risk from the weather.
Swimming in open pools is halted in electrical storms. Wind conditions
may also prevent some sports being held or at least disrupt performance.
The Meltini wind funnels down from the Balkan mountains over Athens
when there is a thermal low over nearby Turkey. Sailors, triathlon swimmers
and rowers must learn how to deal with it, as must the archers. Overview
The global appeal of the Summer Olympics has never been more marked.
It is estimated that four billion people will have watched the Games
being transmitted on television. During the 16 days of competition,
the attention of the international media is focused on Athens and the
Olympic Games.
Individual environmental factors will be dealt with as they arise by
participants, prepared in advance with sports-specific support programmes.
In many cases, support staff as well as competitors are exposed to environmental
influences and must also be ready to cope. There are then more telling
questions to be addressed with respect to the context of the Games overall.
These embrace elements of legacy and economics, culture and philosophy,
materialism and ecology. In the changing milieu, it is appropriate to
consider again the relevance of the Olympic ideals to the contemporary
environment.
References
(1) Atkinson, G., Drust, B., Reilly, T. and Waterhouse, J. (2003).
The relevance of melatonin to sports medicine and science. Sports Medicine,
33, 809-831.
(2) Levine, B. (1995). Training and exercise at high altitudes. In:
Sport, Leisure and Ergonomics, pp. 74-92. London: E. and F.N. Spon.
(3) Martin, D.E. and Gynn, R.W.H. (2000). The Olympic Marathon: The
History and Drama of Sport’s Most Challenging Event. Champaign,
Ill: Human Kinetics.
(4) Peiser, B. and Reilly, T. (2004). Environmental factors in the
Summer Olympics in historical perspective. Journal of Sports Sciences,
22 (in press).
(5) Reilly, T. and Waterhouse, J. (2005). Sport, Exercise and Environmental
Physiology. Edinburgh: Elsevier.
(6) Waterhouse, J., Reilly, T. and Atkinson, G. (1997). Jet lag. Lancet,
350, 1611-1615.
Table 1. Winners of men’s event in track and
field: Mexico Olympics
Table 2. A comparison of environmental pollutants
in Athens and London. Data presented are 90th percentile values in parts
per million.
Heat
Bengt Saltin The Copenhagen Muscle Research Centre University of Copenhagen Copenhagen Denmark
Abstract
Hot conditions impose strain on the cardiovascular system, which is
accentuated by dehydration. With reductions in cardiac output to the
active muscles, performance is adversely affected. Exhaustion seems
to occur at a common body temperature, implicating a thermoregulatory
limiting factor. Attention is shifted to mechanisms within the brain
that are associated with the exhausted state.
Key words
Dehydration, maximal oxygen uptake, pre-cooling, skin temperature
The basic issues
Intense exercise in the heat implicates three basic issues:-
Exercise for 120 min at 70-75% O2 max induces the
same skin temperature as exercise at 80-85% O2 max. Both muscle
temperature and core temperature are increased as a function of the higher
exercise intensity.
Skin temperature is influenced by the ambient air temperature rather
than by exercise. The rise in skin temperature is steeper for rest compared
with exercise as the air temperature increases.
The responses of skin and core temperatures for different
environments are shown in Table 1. At 40oC the normal gradient
from the body to the environment is reversed as the ambient temperature
exceeds body temperature.
The consequence of a high skin temperature when exercising
at 85-90% O2 max is that the difference between core and skin
temperatures decreases with elevations in ambient temperature. A gradient
of 7.5oC at 20oC is reduced to 5oC at
30oC, 2.5oC at 35oC and 0-0.5oC
at 40oC. Skin blood flow increases correspondingly from 3-4
l.min-1, 5-6 l.min-1, 7-8 l.min-1 and
maybe > 8 l.min-1.
The rise in core temperature is reduced during a
9-day period of acclimatization. The sweat rate is increased and at 35oC
the rate of sweat loss may approach 3 l.h-1.
Two questions follow:
The maximal fluid intake is in the range 1-1.5
l.h-1, slightly more in exceptional cases. This means a deficit
is likely to occur. This deficit increases the rate of rise in body temperature
and adds to the cardiovascular strain.
The bodily effects are complex and involve haemodynamics, fuel supply
to the active muscle and brain mechanisms. In many cases dehydration
is combined with heat stress so thermoregulatory limits to exercise
performance may prevail.
Effects on performance
A rise in body temperature will contribute to a reduction
in the level of performance and cause fatigue. A water-perfused jacket
can alter the rate of rise in body temperature from 0.10 to 0.05oC.min-1.
The rate of increase in body temperature is illustrated in Figure 1
for two different air temperatures (3). Performance of high-intensity
exercise was terminated earlier at the high temperature, the final muscle
temperature being similar for the two conditions.
Hyperthermia also causes a reduction in cardiac output. As oesophogeal
temperature increases, there is a corresponding increase in heart rate
and a reduction in stroke volume. Besides affecting cardiovascular haemodynamics,
hyperthermia and dehydration influence oxygen and fuel delivery to active
skeletal muscle and their utilization by active muscle.
The effects of dehydration were isolated in the study
of Gonzalez-Alonso et al. (1). The environmental conditions were 35oC
and 40% relative humidity. The power output of 210 W represented 60% O2
max. Two trials were compared:-
Cardiac output was maintained with euhydration, as was mean arterial
blood pressure (Figure 2a), in contrast to the falls occurring with
dehydration. The drop in cardiac output with dehydration affected the
distribution of blood to different tissues (Figure 2b). Blood flow to
the legs was reduced relative to euhydration, as were blood flow to
other tissues and forearm blood flow.
The decreased leg blood flow does not impair the
delivery of the required oxygen, glucose and FFA, or the removal of lactate.
Leg O2 , glucose uptake and FFA uptake are not drastically
altered. Skeletal muscle glycogen utilization, lactate production and
PCr degradation are elevated with dehydration (see Figure 3). Exhaustion
The exercise time to exhaustion seems to depend on the core temperature
reached. Observations on 10 subjects displayed a range from 40-70 min
for time to exhaustion. A feature of the data was that there was a common
core temperature around 40.5oC at the termination of exercise.
Brain temperature and metabolism may be linked with the process of
fatigue and eventual exhaustion (see Figure 4). Exercise hyperthermia
causes brain temperature to rise. Corresponding increases in a/ß
waves lead to decreases in arousal and voluntary activation (Figure
5). Perceived exertion is elevated and fatigue is promoted.
Brain oxygen extraction increases during high-intensity
exercise to fatigue. The a-vO2
difference reaches a similar level in hyperthermia compared to normal
conditions but fatigue occurs earlier (Figure 6). A similar pattern
is evident in oxygen extraction across exercising legs.
After exercise, there is an increase in brain O2.
Both a-vO2 difference and global brain O2 are elevated in heat
stress compared to normal conditions (Figure 7). In contrast to the exercising
legs, the brain possesses a large oxygen reserve at the point of exhaustion
which appears to secure the brain against reductions in systemic delivery
of oxygen (4).
Adjusting body temperature
Body temperature may be altered experimentally by
pre-cooling or pre-heating. Immersion in water at 18oC was
compared to responses to 37oC and 41oC. Air temperature
was 40oC and exercise at 240 W corresponded to 60% O2
max (3).
Exhaustion occurred at the same oesophogeal temperature and the same
muscle temperature in each condition. Mean skin temperature on termination
of exercise did not differ between conditions. Performance was reduced
in time by about 20 min with pre-heating and extended by about the same
time with pre-cooling (Figure 8).
Is fatigue due to insufficient skeletal muscle ATP production? Data
from Gonzalez-Alonso et al. (2) indicate that stores of PCr and ATP
are still adequate when fatigue occurs with dehydration (see Figure
9).
Muscle, oesophogeal and femoral blood temperatures stabilize during
sustained exercise or show a small increase when subjects are euhydrated.
This trend contrasts with dehydration, where all these temperatures
continue to increase. Hyperthermia, whether subjects are euhydrated
or dehydrated, induces the highest oesophogeal and skin temperatures
(5). Performance is extended when dehydrated if ambient temperature
is normal, and prolonged further in euhydration-normal compared to exercising
in heat (see Figure 10).
Heart rate is increased with hyperthermia, whether
euhydrated or dehydrated. There is a corresponding reduction in oxygen
uptake at maximal exercise. Heat stress clearly impairs O2 max
and has consequences for performance. These findings support the view
that fatigue during maximal exercise is largely associated with the failure
of the heart to maintain cardiac output and the delivery of oxygen to
the skeletal muscle. References
Table 1. Responses of skin and core temperature for different environments.
Values are in o C
Figure 1. Rate of increase in body temperature for different
air temperatures.
Figure 2. Cardiac output, mean arterial pressure (2a) and blood distribution
(2b) during euhydration and dehydration.
Figure 3. Muscle glycogen utilization and lactate production due to
dehydration.
Figure 4. Brain temperature at exhaustion.
Figure 5. Schematic model of fatigue during
exercise in the heat.
Figure 6. Arterio-venous oxygen difference
across the brain in dehydration.
Figure 7. Global brain oxygen uptake during
dehydration.
Figure 8. Effects of pre-cooling and pre-heating
on exercise performance.
Figure 9. Stores of PCr and ATP at the point
of fatigue during dehydration.
Figure 10. Performance during exercise in
the heat.
The Use of Altitude Training – Possible Reasons for
Benefit and Failures
Ulrich Hartmann Technical University of Munich Faculty of Sport Science Department for Theory and Practice in Sport Munich Germany
Abstract
Training at moderate high altitude (HA; 1800 to 2400 m) is one of the
few possibilities available to increase the performance more than by
the normally given circumstances. To estimate the positive (or negative)
effects of training at HA, personal experiences from the point of view
of a direct monitoring of training play an important role. Besides the
general difficulties of estimating the (positive/negative) effect of
training at HA, only few objective data from training practice with
top class athletes are available. The effect of training at HA with
the goal to improve performance capacity in endurance sports is still
under discussion in the sports sciences [2, 3].
In discussing positive or negative effects of high altitude, we have
to separate out: 1. General effects of adaptation during or after exposure
to high altitude, which give an unspecific benefit. 2. Positive (or
negative) training effects which can be similar during training at high
altitude or at sea level; additional to this outcome, the training at
high altitude can be influenced in a positive (or negative) way. 3.
Effects and benefits of training which can be caused only by a stay
under high altitude conditions. In most of the studies no differentiation
has been made between these aspects, which makes it difficult to interpret
under isolated points of view the benefits and / or failures of a stay
under HA conditions. Besides these facts, there is the problem of interpreting
those effects of a continuous stay versus a regular intermittent hypoxic
exposure (LH – TL: Live high, train low; LL – TH; live low,
train high) or even more so the effects of several new altitude training
strategies like a) normobaric hypoxia via nitrogen dilution (nitrogen
apartment), b) supplemental oxygen, c) hypoxic sleeping devices, and
d) short-term intermittent hypoxic exposure.
Under general aspects, it should be helpful to outline the benefits
of a permanent stay at HA under the aspects of an individual positive-responding
athlete. According to these results, an increase of the total blood
volume (BV) and a higher capacity for the transport of oxygen can be
anticipated [1, 4, 5, 6]. The consequences of this effect can be interpreted
by means of an approximation equation. Besides that, the maturation
of the reticulocytes (RET) and their increase show a great individual
variability (between 10% and 250%); the intra-individual variation in
a later study (40% compared to 150% in one athlete) has probably a great
influence for the individual increase in BV. The increase in BV is the
basis for a positive development of performance during and after a training
period at HA.
Therefore a calculation can be provided, focusing on the resulting
effect of a higher transportation capacity which is caused by an increase
of red blood cells in combination with a higher BV. As long as those
effects are generating a systematic benefit in athletes responding positively
(e.g. in many members of an elite rowing team) this seems to be at least
an indication of a positive aspect of a prolonged or permanent stay
at HA. For an intermittent stay or for the other new altitude training
strategies (see above), consistent evidence cannot be shown as regular
effects in top athletes.
Another influencing and probably the most important factor with regard
to the benefit of a stay under hypoxic conditions is the stress presented
to the muscle cell, possibly yielding a misleading adaptation of the
muscle cell by an (inadequate) load of the training content. Therefore
it should be necessary to focus more on individual aspects of the average
volume and intensity in the total amount of training of athletes in
middle-distance sport events [2]. Referring to our own findings, the
intensities during a HA-training camp were significantly different.
In particular, a medium to high intensive training (“speed training”)
often did not lead to the anticipated long-term training effect or decreased
the power output over a given period of time. Although dominant and
solely not a specific problem under HA conditions, it seems to be one
of the general problems of muscular mal-adaptation which can be negatively
fortified under HA conditions, theoretically independent of which altitude
training strategies have been chosen. It includes consideration of the
actual subjective perceptions and their biological influences on the
sport practitioner and incorporation of the traditional points of view
(e.g. for periodization). References
[1]. Ekblom et al. (1972): J. Appl. Physiol. 33, 175-180
[2]. Hartmann & Mader (1999): In: Zeitschrift für Angewandte
Trainingswissenschaft (ed), 6, 1, 72–105
[3]. Levine & Stray-Gunderson (1997): J. Appl. Physiol. 83, 102-112
[4]. Luft U. (1941): Ergebn. Physiol. 44, 256-312
[5]. Rost et al. (1975): Sportarzt und Sportmedizin 26, 137-144
[6]. Williams at al. (1973): Med. and Science in Sports 5, 181-186
The lifestyle of current elite athletes: coping with jet lag
Benjamin J Edwards Research Institute for Sport and Exercise Sciences Liverpool John Moores University Henry Cotton Building 15-21 Webster St Liverpool L2 3ET UK
Abstract
International travel is an essential part of the lives of elite athletes,
both for purposes of competition and training. Long-haul flights entail
crossing multiple time zones, and this causes jet lag, due to disruption
of the normal circadian rhythm. Various pharmacological and behavioural
approaches have been used to reduce some of the effects of jet lag in
sports performers. This overview focuses on strategies used for the
Sydney summer Olympics 2000 (10 time zones to the east from the UK),
and looks forward to the Beijing 2008 Olympics (8 time zones to the
east from the UK). Travel fatigue lasts for only a day or so, is associated
with the conditions of the journey (such as the cramped nature of the
seating), anxiety about travel, and disruption to the individual’s
daily routine and can be separated from the jet lag phenomenon. For
those who fly across multiple time zones the effects associated with
jet lag are longer lasting, and can reduce motivation to train effectively
and impact negatively on performance. The severity and duration of these
problems depend on the direction of flight (eastwards or westwards),
the number of time zones crossed, and the strategies used to alleviate
them. Behavioural solutions for dealing with jet lag involve attention
to lifestyle and activity. These methods are preferable to pharmacological
means of treating the syndrome. There remains the issue of athlete compliance
with any travel strategies, and a systematic educational programme can
assist in securing acceptance of any recommendations.
Key words: Behaviour, pharmacology,
promoting readjustment, time-zone transitions.
Introduction
Circadian rhythmicity in human physiology has been extensively reported.
The internal timing mechanism that mediates this rhythm (the body clock)
is located within the anterior of the hypothalamus in the suprachiasmatic
nucleus (SCN). The purpose of circadian rhythms is to prepare the body
for waking in the light and for sleeping when it is naturally dark.
Temporal isolation studies, wherein subjects are kept in caves or isolation
chambers and in conditions of a constant environment, have shown that
one of the inherent characteristics of the body clock is that it free-runs
with a period of ~24.5 hours, so it tends to become phase delayed. This
inexact timing mechanism is set to an exact 24-hour day by so-called
zeitgebers (time givers); these include the light-dark cycle, the sleep-wake
cycle, rhythms in socialisation, feeding and, possibly, based on some
recent evidence, rhythms of activity and exercise.
Jet lag is caused by the sluggish readjustment of the circadian timing
mechanism to the new environment. Table 1 illustrates this adjustment
for a flight from the UK to Beijing, China (8 time zones eastwards).
Other explanations for jet lag include 1) the hassle of the flight,
2) the new lifestyle, food and culture at the destination, 3) the excitement
of attending important events, and 4) the length of the flight. However,
jet lag can be induced in an isolation chamber (where no travel has
been undertaken), is found after returning home back to a normal routine,
and its severity is related to the number of time zones crossed, not
the flight length. The symptoms of jet lag include the following: fatigue;
sleep disturbance (either the inability to get to sleep or an earlier
waking time); inappropriately timed hunger or loss of appetite; losses
of concentration and drive; and headaches. The net result is a likely
decrease in training effect and performance.
How long does it take to get over jet lag?
Unlike travel fatigue, which an individual normally takes less
than 24 hours to recover from, recovery from jet lag depends on the
direction of travel and the number of time zones crossed. Generally,
symptoms are more severe and readjustment takes longer the greater the
number of time zones involved. Eastward travel is less well tolerated
than westward, due to the inherent property of the body clock to run
slightly slow. Further, after an eastward journey across 10 time zones,
current guidelines suggest that, for the purposes of the use of light
as a readjustment strategy, it should be treated as a transition of
14 hours to the west. This tendency for the body clock to adjust by
a delay rather than an advance after crossing 10-12 time zones in an
easterly direction (where destination time is advanced by 10-12 hours
with regard to departure time) is termed an antidromic effect.
There is some evidence that older individuals, who are generally less
fit, take longer to readjust than younger, fitter individuals (9). This
superiority is not necessarily the case in well-motivated and experienced
travellers (10).
![]() The problems of jet lag can be reduced and managed by suitable planning
before the flight, actions during it, and after arrival at the destination.
Many Olympic squads are given formal advice, normally in the form of
a booklet as a complement to personal counselling. In the case of the
Great Britain Olympic team (Team GB), this advice was the culmination
of two years research, in which a “dry run” was conducted
the year before the 2000 Games, and each athlete who participated received
a feedback report on his/her adjustment. This targeting and specific
educational programme prior to the Games led to a good compliance of
staff and athletes at the preparation camp in the Gold Coast (Australia),
and identified those individuals who had severe symptoms and a slower
than average rate of adjustment. Before the flight
For complete adaptation, current advice suggests that athletes should
schedule their arrival well in advance of competition, allowing one
day for each time zone travelled to the west and 1.5 days for each time-zone
travelled in an easterly direction (4). This allowance may be an overestimation
and would be impractical, as it would require an athlete travelling
from the UK to arrive 15 days prior to the 2000 Games. The athletes
spend longer than this period at the “preparation camp”.
It has prompted a more realistic suggestion of leaving one day for each
time zone crossed in either westward or eastward journeys (9). Travel times
Some of the factors that can be changed relatively easily are the time
of flight departure, and hence time of arrival, and the decision whether
or not to incorporate a stopover to break up the journey. Arriving as
close to night-time in the new time zone as schedules allow promotes
adjustment indirectly due to the accumulation of fatigue during the
flight; this tactic aids sleep during the first night-time at the destination,
and the sleep-wake cycle acts as a zeitgeber. If the journey (such as
one from the UK to the East coast of Australia) is broken up, with a
stopover in Singapore for a few days, this break aids adjustment at
the final destination, as it gives the body clock a chance to adjust
partially when exposed to the environment at the place of stopover.
In practice, this break in the journey involves extra hassle for the
athlete in terms of maintaining quality of training. Also, it could
add complications such as heat and humidity in the stopover environment,
and these present their own problems for the athlete. Pre-adjustment strategy
Generally, adjustment of sleep-wake habits prior to the flight could
in theory begin to alter the normal circadian rhythm in the desired
direction prior to departure. This strategy involves sending the athlete
to bed earlier and getting him/her up earlier for an eastward journey,
and to retire and rise later for a westward journey. The strategy for
a westward flight is tolerated more easily than that for a flight to
the east as, when sent to bed earlier (eastward flight), athletes find
it hard to get to sleep until the normal time (biological time) - and
then are expected to wake earlier than usual. As a result, some sleep
deprivation occurs. In order to avoid disrupting the circadian rhythm
unduly and allow the athlete to continue to train normally, an adjustment
of the sleep-wake cycle by no more than 1-2 hours and for no more than
1-2 days is recommended. During the flight
Generally, when onboard the idea is to change as much as possible the
behaviour of the athlete to that appropriate to destination time in
terms of activity, sleep and wakefulness, and eating meals. These strategies
should be conveyed to the cabin crew, to avoid confusion and inappropriate
times of waking the athlete, for example for meals. Further, there is
a need to replenish the fluid loss due to the dry environment on the
plane. Diuretics such as those containing caffeine or alcohol should
be avoided during the flight, as they are diuretics and would accentuate
dehydration. Due to the increase in incidence of deep vein thrombosis
associated with inactivity in a cramped environment, performing isometric
exercises, and leaving the seat periodically to walk around the plane,
are advised. After arrival
There has recently been some interest in the use of massage and deep
breathing. Neither of these strategies has been shown to aid adjustment
at the destination, though the value of massage to stimulate blood flow
after travel is not to be discouraged. The two general approaches to
readjustment are pharmacological and behavioural. The use of chronobiotics
such as melatonin, which directly shifts the body clock or indirectly
aids adjustment due to the hypnotic properties that aid getting to sleep
at the new night-time, has received some attention in research on jet
lag. There has been some concern with appropriate timing of melatonin
to aid in readjustment after an easterly transition across 10 time zones.
Further, when strict control of light-avoidance and exposure is not
adhered to, the effectiveness of melatonin is reduced (1). The current
position statement of the British Olympic Association advises athletes
against using melatonin. Furthermore, in the UK, pure melatonin is available
only when prescribed by a physician (8).
The behavioural strategy involves the appropriate use of the zeitgebers
(time-givers) that aid entrainment – the light-dark and the sleep-wakefulness
cycles, diet and meal-times, and activity and exercise. There is little
scientific evidence to support the value of diet in promoting clock
adjustment, the suggestion being to consume protein in the morning and
carbohydrate at night-time, in order to promote arousal and sleep, respectively.
In implementing adjustment strategies aimed at shifting the human circadian
rhythm, an indirect marker for the body clock is used. This reference
point is the body temperature minimum. Rectal temperature shows its
peak value at ~18:00 hours and a minimum at 06:00 hours, and this 24-hour
profile can be described well by a cosine curve (see Figure 1). Light
is the strongest zeitgeber, and the effect of light depends upon the
time of exposure, as described by a phase-response curve (2, 3, 5).
Exposure to light during the 6 hours before the temperature minimum
results in a delay, and in the 6 hours after the temperature minimum
a phase advance. Exposure to bright light at other times results in
no phase shift, and this is referred to as a “dead-zone”.
If a phase-delaying strategy is used, in the case of a 10 time-zone
transition to the east (UK to the east coast of Australia), this would
mean exposure to light between 10:00-16:00 hours (local time) on day
1 and avoiding light between 16:00-22:00 hours. On day 2, as the body
temperature minimum would have delayed by about one hour to 17:00 h
by local time), the next day’s light exposure would be between
11:00-17:00 hours and avoidance between 17:00-23:00 hours, and so on
for subsequent days. If a phase-advance strategy were used for the same
journey, then light would be avoided before 16:00 hours for the 2-3
days in the new time-zone. It is generally found that readjustment tends
to follow an exponential function, with greater adjustment occurring
in the first few days (12).
![]() ![]() Figure 2 shows the working example of a possible advantage of adjustment
by a phase delay (14 hours) rather than advance after a time-zone transition
of 10 hours. Peak performance generally occurs in the evening and the
temperature minimum, associated with greater sleepiness and lowest performance,
is found towards the end of sleep. The cosine curve has been transposed
onto the local time in the new time-zone, with complete adjustment shown.
Immediately after arrival, peak temperature and performance will be
at about 04:00 hours and the minimum temperature value and worst performance
at 16:00 hours. If a phase delay occurs, peak performance is delayed
through the day such that it occurs later each day and sleepiness prevails
through the evening. This adaptation means that there is some time of
the day when high-quality training can take place during the process
of adjustment. By contrast, an advance of the body clock by 10 hours
moves the peaks of temperature and performance through the night-time
in the new time–zone, and the temperature minimum and maximum
sleepiness occur in the morning and afternoon. This timing indicates
a theoretical advantage with adjustment by a delay rather than an advance
after an eastward journey across 10 time zones. It also is more convenient
with regard to light exposure for individuals arriving in the early
morning in the new time-zone. There are, however, difficulties in translating
theory to practice. In the field study before the Sydney Olympics, referred
to above, adjustment was consistent with a delay for 35/85 individuals,
with that of an advance of the body clock for 23/85 and for 27/85 it
was unclear as to whether adjustment was by an advance or delay (7,
11). Such a separation of adjustment would have made it difficult to
manage daily preparations in Australia after arrival. Therefore, with
the additional consideration of departure and arrival times and keeping
the teams as a whole entity, a ‘phase-advance’ strategy
was chosen for all, involving light-avoidance in the morning, no morning
training for 3-4 days, and a lie-in in bed for the first three days.
This strategy worked well prior to the 2000 Summer Olympics. Issues relating to athletes and jet lag coping strategies
Those athletes who were the more compliant tended to adjust faster
than those who were resistant; the “poor adjusters” tended
to be led by coaches and managers who were resistant to the advice,
but rather stuck to “what they always did”, irrespective
of the multiple time-zone transition. Training at a lower intensity
and duration than normal for the first couple of days after arrival
was advocated, to help reduce possible problems with injury. Exercise
can take place outdoors at times advocated for light exposure, and tactics
might be discussed indoors when light should be avoided. One of the
problems at the destination is “anchor sleep” which refers
to a short sleep period at the time the individual would normally have
been asleep if living on home time. Such sleep contrives to “anchor”
circadian rhythms to home time and this opposes adaptation to the new
local time. For this reason, napping is not advocated for the first
few days after arrival at the destination. On restarting normal training
practices, the coach should monitor the athletes whilst they are not
fully adjusted, and everybody’s expectations of performance should
reflect this lack of full adjustment. When educating the athlete as
to what jet lag is and what strategies should be adopted to minimise
it, the encouragement of perseverance, compliance and a positive attitude
helps to promote adjustment to the new time zone. Conclusions: Looking forward to the Beijing 2008 summer Games
Essential planning and preparation include a comprehensive programme
that starts prior to travel and includes coping strategies that apply
both onboard and after arrival. The first question regarding UK and
European athletes travelling to Beijing is ‘should they attempt
to advance the body clock by 8 hours or delay it by 16 hours?’
Unlike the Sydney Games, where a delay of 14 hours was at least feasible,
an 8-hour advance (for the Beijing Games) would be easier to achieve
than a 16-h delay; behaviour to promote such an advance should be advocated.
The behavioural approach of light exposure and avoidance, coupled with
outdoor exercise and indoor discussions when appropriate, will be paramount
in achieving this aim. The strategy can be implemented by raising awareness
of the issues involved, and by providing clear guidelines on the actions
required and the behaviour patterns to be avoided. The use of drugs
such as hypnotics or melatonin is not advocated – although those
athletes that already do use these means will not be advised against
continuing to do so, but they should be monitored by their sports physician.
Further, it is good practice to send key athletic support staff to the
destination before the athletes’ arrival, to ensure they are prepared
for the athletes and not getting over jet lag themselves when they have
to be fully alert for work.
Key points:
References
List of tables and figures
Table 1. Mismatch between local time and body clock time (hour) after
a flight from the UK to Beijing (8 time-zones to the east).
Figure 1. The cosine curve for rectal temperature over a 24-hour period,
with an example of the strategy for light exposure and avoidance after
a easterly transition of 10 time-zones.
Figure 2. Schematic representation of advancing 10 hours or adjustment
by a 14-hour delay of the circadian rhythm of rectal temperature after
an easterly flight across 10 time-zones. Shading indicates nighttime.
Table 1. Mismatch between local time and body clock time (hour) after
a flight from the UK to Beijing (8 time-zones to the east).
Olympic Sport and the Ecological Ideal of a
Sustainable Development Sigmund Loland The Norwegian University for Sport and Physical Education Norway
Abstract
The question discussed here is whether Olympic sport can be said to
meet the ecological ideal of a sustainable development. The question
can be understood in several ways. Some analyses focus on ecological
costs in terms of the use of non-renewable natural resources, and pollution.
A less common perspective deals with the nature of Olympic competition
itself and its requirements on human resources. This latter perspective
will be pursued here. The approach is analytic and casuistic. Firstly,
the ideal of a sustainable development is defined and operationalized.
Secondly, representative cases from Olympic sport are examined as to
whether the requirements on human resources support this ideal or not.
The ideal of a sustainable development is defined as a development that
meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future
generations to meet their own needs. A narrow interpretation of the
Olympic sport and its motto citius, altius, fortius points towards continuous,
quantitative growth of performance. This interpretation is seen to contradict
the ideal of a sustainable development. A wide interpretation of Olympic
sport opens for human complexity and diversity and qualitative measures
of performance. Such an interpretation is seen to be ecologically sound.
Olympic sport and its ideals are ambiguous. A narrow interpretation
expresses an ecologically unsound quest for unlimited growth in limited
systems. A wide interpretation opens for an ecologically sound exploration
of human complexity and diversity in open systems. In conclusion, some
critical comments are given on the possible role and consequences of
the wide interpretation in future Olympic sport.
Key terms: Coubertin, performance,
records, sustainability.
Introduction
In the so-called fundamental principles of the Olympic
Movement, one key reference is the development of human kind through a
blend of sport, culture, and education. In the mid-1990s, and due to an
increasing awareness of global ecological challenges, the International
Olympic Committee (IOC) included the environment as an additional dimension.
The IOC’s Sport and Environment Commission emphasizes the responsibility
for promoting sustainable development in particular ( For more information
see http://olympic.org/UK/organisation/commissions/environment/games-uk.asp).
The operational outcome of this engagement is a set of requirements
to be met by Olympic organizers in terms of plans for the environment
and for waste and energy management. Although such measures are of value,
they do not really matter much if the basic Olympic message is non-ecological
in kind. The eco-philosopher Arne Næss (5) pointed towards the
significance of what he calls deep ecological thinking in which the
basic principles and values guiding and justifying our practices are
critically examined. My perspective here will be a deep ecological one.
My focus will be on what can be seen as the core of Olympic events,
Olympic sports. My question will be whether ecological ideals are compatible
with the values of Olympic sports, or whether there value conflicts
here which are difficult to overcome. Ecological ideals
Ecological ideals can be of many kinds. A basic distinction can be
drawn between anthropocentric and non-anthropocentric perspectives.
From the non-anthropocentric perspective, all life forms, or even landscapes,
can be given moral status independent of their value to human beings.
Non-anthropological theories challenge in fundamental ways conventional
ideas about our relationship to nature, and they have radical implications
for sport (2). It will lead too far to pursue this line of reasoning
here. Anthropocentric theories on the other hand, in which the value
of nature depends upon its role in the contribution to human well-being,
are more conventional, and these are the perspectives to which IOC subscribes.
A core anthropocentric ideal, endorsed by the UN World Commission on
Environment and Development (7) and by the IOC, is the ideal of a sustainable
development. A sustainable development is defined as a development that
meets the requirements of the present without compromising the possibilities
of future generations to meet their own needs. Further elaboration points
towards the dangers of specialized mono-cultures and to the significance
of biological and cultural diversity and complexity. The ideal has been
discussed in fields such biology, economy, technology, politics and
culture. The question here is whether Olympic sports can be said to
conform to the ideal. Sustainable Development and Olympic Sports
According to the Olympic Charter, Coubertin’s
ideology of Olympism is still the defining ideology of the Movement (http://www.olympic.org.uk/utilities/reports/level2_uk.asp?HEAD2=26&HEAD1=10).
Coubertin’s extensive writings are not always clear and sometimes
even contradictory. However, inspired by colleagues and friends, Coubertin
succeeded in formulated a striking ‘slogan’ that has become
the official Olympic motto: citius, altius, fortius (faster,
higher and stronger). According to Coubertin, the setting of records has
the same function in Olympic ideology as the law of gravity in Newtonian
mechanics – it is ‘the eternal axiom’. The motto emphasizes
the highly competitive performance orientation of elite sports, and it
reflects the cult of objective, quantitative progress that characterizes
the Western culture of modernity in which the Olympic Movement has found
its form (1,6). From an ecological perspective, the continuous quest for
improved performances and records has some deeply problematic implications.
Elsewhere I have discussed in more detail problems linked to high degree
of specialization in sport performances (4). Here comes a brief sketch
of the argument. A specialized performance is a performance based primarily
on one or two basic bio-motor abilities (such as speed, strength, and
endurance), and in which sport-specific technical and tactical skills
play minor roles. Most record sports provide paradigmatic cases in this
respect. What is at stake here is objective and standardized performance
measurements in which the crucial parameters are those of speed, strength,
or endurance. Take as an example a typical record sport, the 100-metre
sprint race. Biologically, human capabilities for speed are limited.
Although new records can be set again and again, every new record represents
a further step in the utilization of this limited capability. The continuous
quest for improved performance stimulates the development of more or
less extreme performance-enhancing means and methods. Some of these,
such as doping, have significant moral costs. As soon as a new record
is set, the challenge for other runners, or for the next generation
of runners, becomes greater. “Record sports” build on the
impossible quest for unlimited growth in highly specialized limited
systems. In this sense, they seem to represent non-sustainable systems
and appear as biological and moral risk zones.
Other sports are defined by less specialized and more complex and diverse
performance requirements. In ball games, for example, performances are
built on technical and tactical skills, they are measured in non-exact
entities such as points and goals, and they are always relative to an
opposition (Figure 1). Although discussions of who is the best player
or what is the best game ever are interesting and entertaining, there
are no precise and agreed criteria upon which they can be settled. Games
offer no possibility for record setting in the strict sense of the term.
Every new contest is a new opportunity, and one great performance does
not represent a utilization of resources that are not available to other
players or new generations of players. Obviously, sports with more complex
performance ideals constitute sustainable systems to a larger extent,
and they are less vulnerable to excessive and morally problematic performance-enhancing
means and methods. From the ecological perspective, they are sounder. Concluding Comments
I have sketched an answer to the question of whether Olympic sports
can be said to conform to the ideal of a sustainable development. The
answer is both in the positive and the negative. I have argued that
the Olympic ideal of highly specialized record sports performances is
a non-sustainable one, and that games offer a more sustainable sport
paradigm. The argument calls for some concluding comments
If the points above are valid, one should expect that specialized record
sports will degenerate and vanish. Indeed, the degeneration scenario
is possible. However, it is not the only one. Without being able to
go into details at this point, I have pointed out elsewhere how record
sports can be restructured into more complex, diverse and sustainable
performance systems (3) and I believe that these are constructive alternatives
worth considering here.
Another possibility is that the problem of non-sustainability is met
by emerging, alternative sport paradigms such as those found in the
increasingly popular board sports (such as surfing, skate boarding,
snow boarding, and kite boarding). These activities build on non-quantifiable,
creative performances with emphasis on individual expression and artistic
values. As with games, they are less vulnerable to bio-medical performance-enhancing
excesses than traditional record sports, and they might constitute a
more sustainable Olympic sport paradigm in the time to come. References
Figure 1. The game of hurling engages technical and tactical skills,
scoring is by goals (equal to 3 points) and points.
Characteristics:
Contact: Thomas Reilly Research Institute for Sport and Exercise Sciences Liverpool John Moores University Henry Cotton Campus 15-21 Webster Street Liverpool, L3 2ET United Kingdom T.P.Reilly@ljmu.ac.uk |
Introduction
The IAAF has started this year to implement its ambitious youth athletics
program intended for both school and clubs. The main objective of the
IAAF is to make Athletics the number one sport in Schools. A new commission
has been created for this purpose and a new structure has been established
in the IAAF to assist this commission in the achievement of its objectives.
These objectives should be achieved by 2012 and the project should be
implemented through different stages.
Plan of Action 2003 - 2012
“Make Athletics the world-wide number one participatory sport
in schools in 2012”
(MFs = Member Federations)
Diagram 1
1. Concept of the Educational Project:
The first stage is a stage of reflection. The main objective of this
reflection concerns the concept of the IAAF Educational Project.
This is a stage of decision as well, whether to implement a strategy
and resources indispensable to the development of this plan.
The implementation of this Project mainly requires:
1.2 Implementation of the Project
This stage corresponds to the realization of the project: it has to
ensure the arrangement of a developing network within each Member Federation
in order to make sure that the Educational Project actually infiltrates
the various educational systems (Schools and Federations) of the concerned
countries.
This stage requires a strict planning of the actions:
|